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New Netheifland 

Vol. I January, 1911 No, 1 



A Notable Visit to New Amsterdam 

Pioneers and Founders of New Netherland 

Jacob Jansen Plodder alias Gardenier 

Claes Martenszen Van Rosenvelt 

Steven Koerts Van Voorhees 

Albert Zaborowsfcy 

A Sensational Escape 
Some Holland Society Year Books 

Publisher and Editor 

99 Nassau Street New York, N. Y. 




The New Netherland Register 1 

A Notable Visit to N^ll^^ldam 

Parts of the three days between July i8 and July 21, 1661, 
the day of the proposed sailing of the ships Eagle, Hope and 
Faith, appear to have been gala days for New Amsterdam 
and Breuckelen. Doubtless on July 18 the Dutch tricolor 
floated from most buildings in both places, and every Brit- 
isher in town, possessing an English flag swung it out to the 
breezes. From the Fort, the City Hall, the Ferry-houses on 
both banks of the East River, from the ships and yachts 
riding at anchor floated the national bunting and such other 
flags as the masters could command. The company's barge 
and the ferry boat were gaily bedecked. Doubtless stich 
other gay colors as the inhabitants possessed had been dis- 
played to give the towns a holiday appearance while here 
and there leafy branches of trees and garlands of flowers 
further decorated the outside of many houses. Possibly one 
or more leafy arches spanned some of the more pretentious 
streets of the metropolis. 

Very few of the town's people worked on that day, 
most were in holiday attire. Doubtless hundreds of the in- 
habitants of the surrounding villages, but especially of the 
English settlements on Long Island, had left their arduous 
labors for that day and had hied to Breuckelen and New 
Amsterdam, whose streets and roads, leading to the ferry 
^houses were crowded with residents and strangers. 

The authorities in the Fort, the Magistrates at the City 
Hall, Schout and Schepenen of Breuckelen had donned their 
robes of oflice, the military officers had put on their best 
uniform, the privates had taken special pains to make 
a favorable impression, the officers of the civil guard in 
both towns tried their best to look like real soldiers, the 
militia had burnished their ^.rms, vieing with the garrison 
as to who should make the finest military appearance. 

The troops in the Fort were under arms, and a detach- 
ment of them, eighty-four strong, had received special orders 
to march out headed by Stuyvesant himself, and take the 
ferryboat — or more probably the Company's barge — for 
Breuckelen. The Breuckelen militia, twenty or more strong, 
was waiting at the Breuckelen ferry house, fired a salute 
upon the landing of their governor and his escort, and prob- 

2 The New Netherland Register 

ably joined the troops. A company, at least a hundred 
strong, of the New Amsterdam burgher guard had been 
stationed at the Manhattan ferry house or some other land- 
ing place. To each of the members of the forces about half 
a pound of gunpowder had been allowed by the general 
government, to be fired as a salute. 

In the course of the day a simple cavalcade from Long 
Island neared Breukelen's ferry house. A shout of welcome 
from the gathered multitude went up, the courteous Director 
General, hat in hand and bowing deeply, advanced, the 
troops presented arms. At the word of command the pieces 
were discharged and a noisy greeting from a hundred or 
more muskets welcomed John Winthrop, governor of the 
English colony of Connecticut, who with the Rev. Stone was 
to sail on a political mission to England in the Dutch ship 

After having crossed the ferry and alighting on Manhat- 
tan's soil Connecticut's governor was greeted by the dis- 
charge of the hundred or more muskets from the local militia 
stationed there to welcome him, doubtless followed by the 
cheers from the hundreds of on-lookers gathered to catch a 
glimpse of the distinguished Englisher. Stuyvesant, who 
never did things by halves, certainly had put his private 
carriage at the exalted foreigner's disposal, the members of 
the Council, the City Magistrates, the representative burgh- 
ers, also followed in their own or borrowed conveyances. 
Preceded by the buglers and the drummers of the garrison 
and of the local militia the entire cortege wended its way 
through the gaily decorated streets, maybe first to the City 
Hall, probably afterward to the Director's newly built town 
house not far from the pier where the Faith was yet taking 
in cargo. As soon as the procession neared the neighbor- 
hood of the Fort the gunner got busy and the shouts of the 
multitude as well as the music of the instruments were 
drowned by the detonation of the heavy guns from the walls 
of the stronghold, using up twenty-seven pounds of gun- 
powder in extending a gubernatorial salute to John Win- 
throp, governor of Connecticut. 

During the five days intervening between his arrival 
and the time of his departure Winthroo doubtless was the 
guest of New Netherland's governor, either at bis Bouwery 

The New Netiiekland Register 3 

or his town house. The time no doubt was divided between 
discussing the differences separating the two nations, visits 
to the leading men of the town and seeing the island as far 
North as the thriving little village of New Haerlem, all in- 
termixed with parades of the garrison and the militia. 

Yet even during the celebrations attending governor 
Winthrop's stay in town the serious busines of life could 
not be neglected. The day following his arrival the City 
Court assembled as usual, and one of the many contestants 
appearing before it was the Captain of the very ship that 
was to convey the New England visitor to Europe. This 
time, however, Captain Bestevaer was at variance with no 
less an opponent than the City Government itself. 

Bestevaer had refused to pay the wharfage or pier 
charges and consequently the city had attached the Faith's 
papers, so that Bestevaer would be prevented from sailing. 
He said he was willing to pay one third of the charges, the 
balance to be paid by those receiving the freight. The mag- 
istrates replied that the other captains advanced the entire 
amount, and that he ought to do the same. Bestevaer de- 
murred, giving for answer that he could **not resolve on that, 
but as heretofore will pay one third, requesting discharge of the 
attachment on his papers." The court decided that he was to 
satisfy the full claim, and that he was not to receive his papers 
until he should have settled the entire charge. This contro- 
versy may have been the cause of keeping the Faith in port two 
days longer than had been intended. 

At last the differences between the City and Captain Beste- 
vaer were adjusted. On July 23, five days after Winthrop's 
arrival, the Faith was ready to sail. Again the garrison was 
called under arms, a guard of honor consisting of fifty eight 
soldiers attended Connecticut's governor on his way to the ship. 
Arrived at the place of embarkation, the troops presented arms 
and thereupon fired their muskets in honor of the departing 
guest. When the anchor had been heaved, and the Faith amid 
the shouts of the gathered multitude, slowly sailed down the 
East River, the heavy pieces on the Fort's bastion, charged with 
twenty five pounds of gunpowder, again belched forth a guber- 
natorial salute, and Connecticut's governor, greatly pleased with 
his "honorable and kind reception" in New Netherland's capital, 
departed on his mission. 

4 The New Netherland Register 

That the Eagle must have left at least one or more days 
earlier than the Hope and the Faith is evident from a paragraph 
in the Haerlemse Saterdaeghse Courant (Harlem Saturday 
Newspaper) of September 17, 1661, which contained the fol- 
lowing news item in regard to Winthrop's proposed sailing: 
''Amsterdam, September 16. Last Monday there arrived in 
Texel the ship Arent [Eagle] from New Netherland, laden with 
tobacco and some peltries. The ships Faith and Klock [should 
be Hope] lay ready to sail, intending to go to sea on the day 
after her departure, and may now be daily expected, having 
been sighted, as is supposed near Fairhill. In the Faith comes 
Mr. Winthrop, Governor of Connecticut, together with the Rev. 
Mr. Stone, on a mission to his Majesty of England. The trade 
in tobacco has been tolerable, but that in peltries bad. In every 
other respect matters were in good condition. In the Sopus 
[Wildwyck, Kingston] the tilling of the soil proceeded briskly, 
and likewise at the South River. In the beginning of the sum- 
mer there was a great storm in New England in which many 
ships were lost." 

The Faith arrived at Amsterdam after Monday, September 12, 
1661. Before leaving for England Winthrop held a conference 
with the Directors at Amsterdam of which they informed 
Stuyvesant in their letter of January, 27, 1662. 

Pioneers and Founders of New Netherland 

Jacob Jansen Flodder, alias Gardenier. 

One of New Netherland's most enterprising and successful 
pioneers was Jacob Jansen Flodder or Gardenier, who hailed 
from the small city of Campen in the Province of Overysel. 

Settling in the colony of Rensselaerswyck as a humble car- 
penter, without capital, without influential or wealthy friends, 
without the good will of the Patroon even, he made his way 
by the sheer force of his character, and generally correct judg- 
ment, so that at the time of his death, prior to 1688, he left a 
considerable estate, and his operations had extended all the way 
from Rensselaerswyck to New Amsterdam. 

Like every struggling business man in those pioneer days, 
he was at times in financial straits, and temporarily unable to 
meet his obligations at their maturity. Sometimes, also, his dis- 
tance from the scene of his operations prevented him from 

The New Netherland Register 5 

satisfying his creditors at the exact time agreed upon. At other 
periods the ice of the winter had closed navigation, prevented 
his mills from running, and forced him to suspend business for 
the time being, when he would need an extension of some 
months in order to enable him to fulfill his contracts. But his 
indomitable grit surmounted every obstacle, and his innate hon- 
esty gained him friends and confidence everywhere. Had he 
lived in this age he certainly would have been the organizer and 
the head of one or more of the country's great enterpriser, a true 
Captain of Industry. 

Jacob Jansen Plodder or Gardenier is stated to have been 
in New Netherland as early as 1638. In 1642 he had returned 
to Holland and while at Amsterdam called on Kiliaen Van 
Rensselaer "to ask permission to do carpenter's work in the 
colony." The patroon "was willing to engage him at the daily 
wages agreed upon with the freemen." Plodder would not con- 
sent to this but ''wanted a good deal more." The upshot was 
that Plodder returned to the colony as an independent carpen- 
ter, taking work on contract, sometimes laboring for private 
parties, at other times working for the colony ''upon definite 
specifications and at a definite price." 

Plodder soon noted that there were better prospects by en- 
gaging in the business of sawing wood and grinding grain than 
in carpentering. Consequently, in 1647, he rented of the pa- 
troon's agent a saw and gristmill in Greenbush at an annual 
rental of one hundred and twenty-five guilders. Two years 
later he gave up this mill and on November 8, 1649, ^t was 
rented by Evert Pels and Willem Predericks Bout. 

It would appear that Plodder then rented two other saw- 
mills together with four acres of land, for which, in 165 1, he 
was also charged a hundred and twenty-five guilders annually. 
It is evident that while engaged in the milling business he also 
had commercial dealings with parties at New Amsterdam and 
had embarked in the fur trade with the Indians around Rens- 
selaerswyck. At least on August 12, 1649, Andries Roelofsen 
passed a Power of Attorney to J. L. Appel to collect a parcel of 
beavers from Plodder, who in the documents is referred to as 
Jan Jansen Plodder. 

He soon gave up the mill he had last rented and during 
1653 and 1654 appears to have operated a sawmill at Bethle- 
hem. This mill he also abandoned and on Pebruary 2, 1654, 

6 The New Netherland Register 

leased for a period of eight years, beginning May i8 of the same 
year, a saw and grist mill ''on the Fifth Creek" with the use of 
two stallions at an annual charge of fifteen hundred and eighty- 
eight guilders. 

To show his confident optimism, it may be stated that his 
predecessors in the lease had paid only five hundred and fifty 
guilders a year, and that when on May i8, 1654, Plodder took 
possession of the mills, they were in a very bad condition, neces- 
sitating a considerable outlay on his part for repairs. It is quite 
probable that Plodder had been encouraged in renting the mills 
because on October 18, 1653, he had entered into an agreement 
with Abraham Staats, Sander Glen, Willem Teller and Captain 
Laurens Van der Wei, about the fitting out of vessels. Doubt- 
less, for the sake of increasing his working capital, he bor- 
rowed on August 24, 1654, of Eldert Gerbertsen eighty beavers 
or six hundred and forty guilders, for the repayment of which 
he specially mortgaged his sloop or yacht. At the same time he 
took as partners in his milling business Claas Hendricksen Schoon- 
hoven, a practical carpenter, and Elbert Gerbertsen, the capital- 
ist who had provided him with the loan. 

As early as 1655 Plodder also owned, in company with 
Sander Glen, another sloop, which usually made the trips be- 
tween New Amsterdam and Rensselaerswyck under command 
of Glen. The sloop or yacht whereof he was sole owner. Plod- 
der hired out to the government, on July 5, 1663, to serve as a 
transport during the war with the Esopus Indians after their 
horrible massacre, on June 7 of the same year, at Wildwyck and 
Nieu Dorp. 

While engaged in his varied industrial undertakings, Plod- 
der had a keen eye for possibilities offered by the ownership of 
land and the small forest streams. On March 13, 1650, he pur- 
chased, with the assistance of Hans Jansen Eencluys as inter- 
preter, from the Indian possessor of Aepjes Island, a parcel of 
land on said Island, together with a small kil, or brook, on the 
main land opposite the Island. This kil was the Goyer's Kill, 
where a few years later he erected a sawmill of his own. The 
price paid for the two properties was four and one-half pieces 
of cloth, two handfuls of powder, an axe, and two and three 
quarters pieces additional, probably duffels or perhaps blankets. 
On August 5, 1669, he mortgaged this mill and his other prop- 

The New Netiieki.and Register 7 

erty as security for a loan, he had received from the adminis- 
trators of the estate of Jan Bastiaans Van Gutsenhoven. 

Long before the expiration of the lease of the mills on the 
Fifth Creek, Plodder met with serious competition when on 
August I, 1657, Barent Pietersz and Teunis Cornelisz were 
granted ''permission to erect another sawmill above the saw- 
mill situated at the Fifth Creek." Still it does not appear to 
have harmed him much, and he continued to prosper. 

Besides extending his commercial operations as far as New 
Amsterdam, Gardenier also speculated there m land. On April 
3, 1654, he purchased of the widow of Jan Damen a parcel of 
land on the south side of Wall Street, near the Water Gate. He 
divided this property into lots which he subsequently sold, with 
the exception of a strip on the East River shore. After the lots 
near this strip had been built on, the various owners were re- 
quired to sheath the river bank to prevent its washing away by 
the tide. Gardenier, living one hundred and fifty miles away, 
and perhaps having half forgotten his small Manhattan hold- 
ing, neglected to line the portion of the bank before his lot. 
The owners of neighboring lots repeatedly complained about 
this neglect, and the clerk of the City Council more than once 
wrote to the authorities at Albany, requesting them to call Gar- 
denier's attention to this oversight. 

At another time, on August 6, 1667, John Laurens, his next 
door neighbor, petitioned the Council to be permitted to reim- 
burse himself for the expense of keeping in repair the fence be- 
tween the two lots, by appropriating a quantity of stone, stored 
on Gardenier's property. 

His chief real estate operations, however, he confined to 
his immediate neighborhood, in and around the Colony of Rens- 
selaerswyck. In 1656, it is stated that he owned at Beverwyck, 
the north side of Wall Street, from William to Pearl Streets, 
which he divided into lots and sold through his agent, Sander 
Glen. Besides his purchase of land at the Goyer's Kill, he also 
early bought large tracts between Kinderhoeck and Schodack, 
and here most of his immediate descendants settled. As late 
as 1683, in company with J. T. Van Tappen and H. Van Gan- 
sevoort, he yet secured, by the payment of a barrel of good beer, 
from the Esopus chief, Jan Bachter, an option on a tract of land 
with the Kills and creeks on the east side of the Hudson River, 
near Magdalen Island. The special stress laid on the "kills 

8 The New Netherland Register 

and creeks" seems to indicate that — with Gardenier at least — 
water power for future sawmills was the chief incentive in se- 
curing the option. 

At first he usually subscribed himself Jacob Jans Plodder, 
but later on his signature often read Jacob Jans Plodder alyas 
Gerdenyer or Gerdenier. His children adopted the name Gar- 
denier, which, in the course of time, was written Gardinier, 
Guardenear, Gaudineer, Gerdner, Gardiner and in many more 

Through his sons Jan, Samuel, Andries, Hendrick and Al- 
bert, this notable pioneer became the ancestor of a numerous 
progeny, and through the marriage of his daughter Aeltie to Adam 
Dingman, the members of the Dingman family likewise number 
Gerdenier among their earliest American ancestors. 

Claes Martenszen Van Rosenvelt. 

On August 26, 1638, the Council of New Netherland had 
met in the Council Chamber of Port Amsterdam to dispense jus- 
tice. The great majority of the cases brought before them on 
that day were, as usual, very insignificant, such as would hardly 
claim the serious attention of our present Police Court. One of 
the cases was that of Philip Teyler against Nicolas Martens for 
referring to him in less flattering terms. Martens declared that 
he "has nothing to say against the plaintiff," and the case was 
settled to the apparent satisfaction of all concerned. 

Claes Martenszen is not met again in the records until Oc- 
tober 23, 1650, when his first child, Christiaen, was baptized. 
Four more children of his were baptized in the following eight 
years, one of whom, Nicolaes, christened on October 2, 1658, 
became the ancestor of the American Roosevelt family. 

In the record the first Roosevelt is usually put down as 
Claes Martenszen and twice only as Claes Martenszen Van Ro- 
senvelt. His descendants dropped the Van and generally took 
the name of Roosevelt. 

The wife of Claes Martenszen was sometimes referred to 
as Jannetje Samuels and at other times as Jannetie Thomas. 
Once she is called Jannetie Hamel, but this is evidently a mistake 
in the record for Samuels. The peculiar method of naming 
people during Dutch times is doubtless responsible for the vari- 
ations in the names of Claes Martens' wife. Her father's name 

The New Netherland Register 9 

probably was Thomas Samuels. Therefore, according to the 
general usage of the day, she would have been known as Jan- 
netie Thomas, after her father's given name. More rarely she 
would be named Jannetie Samuels after her father's own patro- 
nymic, which was Samuels, and this accounts for the differences. 

As the marriage of Claes Martensz is not recorded in the 
New Amsterdam marriage records, it is probable that he was at 
the time living at Fort Orange, or in one of the Dutch villages 
of Long Island. And as their early marriage and baptismal re- 
gisters are missing, the record of his marriage, like those of 
hundreds of his contemporaries, has disappeared. 

Claes Martenszen Van Rosenvelt must have been a man of 
small stature, for in the records generally he is referred to as 
Klein Klaasje (Little Claes) or Cleyn Claesjen, which some- 
times was modified into Coleyn Claesie, as if his given name 
had been Coleyn. It is not improbable that he was the Klein- 
tjen who, after an exploring expedition and a brief captivity 
among the South River Indians, was, about 1616, able to impart 
such valuable information about the course of certain streams 
and the location of many Indian tribes in the interior of New 
Netherland, which information was utilized in the preparation 
of one of the earliest existing maps of New Netherland. 

Claes Martens in after life became a farmer, and his farm 
was situated back of Stuyvesant's Bouwery, as is shown from 
the following extract from the Record : ''Sept. 21, 1658, Cornells 
Comegys, living on the land of Pieter Van de Linde, acknowledges 
to owe Wilhelmus Beeckman, orphanmaster, six hundred and 
fifty guilders for tobacco furnished him. Mortgages his house 
and land situated back of the Lord General's (Stuyvesant's) 
farm, next to Clein Claasie's, where said Pieter Van de Linde 
has lived, and also his cattle." 

This would place the Roosevelt property during Dutch 
times somewhere between Broadway and the East River, in the 
neighborhood of Tenth Street, and not on Roosevelt Street, as 
has been presumed from its name. 

Claes Martensz must have died soon after the birth of his 
last child, and two years later his widow also had died, as is evi- 
dent from the following minute of the Orphans Court, dated 
December 10, 1660: "Whereas Jannetje Tomas, widow of 
Cleyn Claasie, commonly called so, has lately died, leaving be- 
sides some property five minor children, so that it has become 

10 The New Netiierland Register 

necessary to appoint administrators of the estate, therefore the 
orphanmasters herewith quaUfy as such administrators Tomas 
Hall and Pieter Stoutenburgh, who are ordered to make an in- 
ventory of the estate, real and personal property, values and 
debts, due by others, to settle all and make a report to the Board 
for future disposal." 

Pieter Stoutenburgh and Thomas Hall had also been named 
guardians of Willem, son of Margaret Samuels, the deceased 
widow of Samuel Tomassen, who probably was the brother of 
Jannetie Tomas, and who may have been Claes Martensz's busi- 
ness partner, as the two estates are usually linked together. 

It would appear that the four older children of Claes Mar- 
tens, the youngest of whom was then five years old, were left 
on the farm, which was probably cultivated by hired help under 
the supervision of Tomas Hall, and possibly occasionally of 
Stuyvesant himself, both of whom were near neighbors of the 

The two years old boy Nicolaes had been entrusted by the 
guardians to Metje Grevenraet, a member of one of the most 
respectable families of New Amsterdam. At first she was paid 
two hundred guilders per annum for the child's care, but as the 
boy grew older and had more wants, this allowance, in 1664, 
was increased to two hundred and fifty guilders annually. 
Christina Grevenraet, a kinswoman of Metje, was a witness at 
the baptism of Christina Roosevelt, on July 30, 1656, and it is 
therefore not improbable that the two families were related. 

It would appear that Claes Martenszen had had extensive 
dealings of a commercial nature. At least the faithful guardians 
were continually before the Court, defending claims which to- 
gether amounted to many hundreds of guilders. Part of the 
estate had been sold prior to December 29, 1661, and on June 
17, 1662, the orphanmasters invested forty-three guilders and 
seven stivers of the Roosevelt money as part of a mortgage of 
four hundred guilders orphans' money, loaned by them to Abra- 
ham Jansen, on the security of his house. 

It required many years before the estate was finally settled 
and as late as November 19, 1667, and November 10, 1668, the 
guardians still sued tardy debtors for sums due to the estate, 
amounting together to three hundred guilders. It is quite pos- 
sible, however, that said debts were contracted during the time 

Tin Xkw Nethekland Register 11 

of the pKjbciljlc ciJij.tion of the farm, or contu. c j{ 

business, by the guai'lians for the benefit of the orpha.. 

It was not a rare occurrence in those early days .Oi children 
of the same parents to adopt entirely different fam 1\' names, 
and this seems to have been done among the descendants of the 
first Roosevelt. Neither Christiaen, nor any of his three sis- 
ters, appears to have taken their father's name. 

Nicolaes who, thanks to the tender care of his kind foster 
mother, Metje Grevenraet, grew up to man's estate, married at 
the age of twenty-four, Hilletje Jans Kunst of Albany. He was 
the only one to retain the family name, as his descendants seem 
to have done after him. Shortly after his marriage he removed 
to Kingston, where he was still living at the census of Septem- 
ber I, 1689, and where his name is put down as Claes Roosinf- 
felt. Not long thereafter he returned to his paternal city, where 
he carried on the business of a miller and bolter. He probably 
erected his mill at the Fresh Water, operating it by means of 
its water power, which may account for the name of the present 
Roosevelt Street, which is located near or on the bed of this 
once small but important stream. 

Steven Koerts Van Voorhees. 

The Ship De Bonte Coe (The Spotted Cow), Captain Pie- 
ter Lucasz, which, on April 15, 1660, was about ready to leave 
Amsterdam for Manhattan, carried a large number of passen- 
gers for New Netherland. 

Among the civilians and soldiers on board whose descend- 
ants became prominent in after years were the ancestors of such 
noted colonial families as Ostrander, Ditmars, Van Guysling, 
Moll, Roosa, Van Liew, Swartwout, Arents, Heermance, 
or Heermans, Kiers, Bartels, Van Voorhees and many others, 
more or less prominently identified with the agricultural and 
industrial development of the New Netherland States. 

Steven Koerts Van Voorhees, a well to do farmer from 
Ruinen in the province of Drenth, derived his family name from 
Hees, a district situated one mile southeast of Ruinen. The 
family estate was located before or in front of Hees. Thence 
the name Van Voorhees, meaning from in front of Hees. 

It is evident that Koerts' removal to this country had been 
undertaken solely in the interest of his seven chldren. the oldest 

12 The New Netherland Register 

of whom was a young man of twenty-two, while the youngest 
was a two years old infant. 

Almost immediately upon his arrival here, Coerts, on No- 
vember 29, 1660, bought of Cornelis Dirksen Hoogland, in Flat- 
lands, for three thousand guilders a farm of sixty-two acres, 
together with a breweryhouse and the entire brewing apparatus. 
A quarter of a century later his acres had increased to a hun- 
dred and ten and his entire taxable property, horses, cattle and 
land, was valued at two hundred and thirty-nine pounds ster- 
ling. This was exclusive of his dwelling, farm buildings and 
other structures, which were exempt from taxes. 

Coert Stevensen Van Voorhees, his oldest son, within three 
years after his arrival here, had married a daughter of Gerrit 
Wolfertsen Van Kouwenhoven, one of the founders of Amers- 
foort or Flatlands. 

Owing to his advanced age, the civil honors which would 
naturally have fallen to the share of so prominent a man as 
Steven Koerten, went instead to his oldest son, Coert Stevenson 
Van Voorhees, who, on March 20, 1664, and on August 18, 
1673, was appointed a Schepen or Magistrate at Amersfoort. 
A still greater distinction was conferred upon the young man 
when on April 10, 1664, he was delegated in company with Elbert 
Elbertsen Stoothof to represent Amersfoort in the General As- 
sembly, convened at New Amsterdam. 

After the Dutch had again come into their own, Governor 
Colve, on March 26, 1674, called a convention at New Orange 
to confer with him on the state of the country, and among the 
delegates from the Dutch villages of Long Island was Coert 
Stevensen Van Voorhees of Amersfoort. 

The old settler lived long enough to enjoy the honors con- 
ferred upon his son and representative. After the death of the 
wife, who came over with him from Ruinen, he married, in 1677, 
Willempie Roelofse Seubering, as stated by Bergen, and died 
early in 1684, leaving ten children, most of whom took the 
family name, which, at present, is written Van Voorhis, Voor- 
hees, Voorhis, Voris, Vorse, etc. • Others of his descendants 
even took the names of Stevens, Elderts and Lucas, while the 
incomplete condition of most of the early Long Island and New 
Jersey records renders it difficult, if not impossible, to decide 
what other names were adopted by members of this numerous 
and widely scattered family. 

The New Netherland Register 13 

Albert Zaborowsky. 

Poland, "the Knight among the Nations," as Louis E. Van 
Norman so aptly calls her, was, until a few years ago, credited 
with having furnished New Netherland in the person of the 
founder of the Zabriskie family with one of the first Poles to 
settle in America, and family tradition appeared to strengthen 
this supposition. As a matter of fact, Albert Saboriski, though 
a German by birth, doubtless was a Pole by extraction, and the 
traditions, said to refer to him, may have fitted the experience 
of his father or grandfather. 

On August 31, 1662, the good ship De Vos (The Fox), 
Captain Jacob Jansz Huys, was about to leave Old Amsterdam 
for New Amsterdam on the Island of Manhattan. Among the 
large number of passengers was Albert Saboriski, who, in the 
shiplist, is said to be from Prussia. On December 17, 1676, 
when his betrothal to Machtelt Van der Linden of New York 
was registered in the Bergen Marriage Record, he was stated to 
be from Engstburgh, which, according to the custom of the time, 
meant that he had been born there. 

The young couple first settled at Bergen but subsequently 
moved to Hackensack, where the confidence in him of his fellow 
townsmen called Saboriski to civil office. His descendants main- 
tained the prominent position gained by the founder of the 
family and were among the most active and successful develop- 
ers of Northern New Jersey where, even yet, the family name 
is numerous and held in the greatest respect. In agriculture, in 
the professions, as well as industrial and mercantile pursuits, 
many of the name have attained great prominence, while others 
have held important appointive and elective offices, not only in 
their native counties, but also in other sections. 

His death and burial are thus succinctly recorded in the 
burial register of the Lutheran church of New York: ''1711, 
September i, died and buried at Hackensack, Albert Saboriski, 
about ']2 or 73 years old." A few pages further, however, the 
following entry occurs, the date of which evidently is erroneous, 
at least as far as Saboriski is concerned: "Between 1714 and 
1719 there died at Hackensack Adam Jansen (Van Norden), 
Epke Panta (Banta) and Albert Saboriski." 

Few names have been recorded with more variations in the 
spelling than that of the founder of the Zabriskie family. More 
than three scores of variations have been noted. In the same 

14 The New Netherland Register 

document it is written Zabrosqua, Zabrisqua and Zaborowsky, 
which seems to have been the correct spelling. It is not until 
the beginning of the nineteenth century that the name Zabriskie 
began to be adhered to by most of the descendants of this pio- 
neer and founder of New Netherland. 

A Sensational Escape 

On September 28, 1643, there had arrived before Fort Am- 
sterdam the Rotterdam herring buss, Fortuyn, (Fortune) Cap- 
tain Jacob Gerritsen Blenck, Instead of having gone fishing 
Captain Blenck had set out on a trading expedition. He had 
bought a hundred ''pypen" (barrels) of Madeira wine at the 
Canary Islands, which Captain Blenck thought he could sell 
in Virginia. Not knowing the location of V^irginia, the enter- 
prising fisherman had passed it on his way from the West 
Indies. He landed instead in New England but "could not sell 
his wine there because the English there live soberly." Leaving 
New England, Blenck sailed along the coast, through Long 
Island Sound, safely passed Hell Gate and arrived before Fort 
Amsterdam. Unfortunately for Blenck, one of the Company's 
ships — possibly the Peacock, or the Garce — had only recently 
arrived with a wine prize, which prize, with her cargo, had been 
sold at New Amsterdam. Consequently, Blenck found no ready 
market for his wines here. Just then there happened to be here 
an English merchant from Virginia who purchased Blenck's 
wines under condition that he was to take them to Virginia. As 
he was short of provisions and water, it was absolutely necessary 
for Blenck to dispose of enough of his wine here to buy fresh 
supplies, especially since Captain David De Vries had assured 
him that "it was difficult to obtain them in Virginia, as everyone 
there only produced for himself." He thereupon requested per- 
mission from the authorities to sell here a portion of his wine, 
which permission was granted under condition to pay the duties 
on it. Blenck made arrangements with Isaac Allerton to sell 
him some of his wine, probably in exchange for provisions. 
When the time for delivery approached, Blenck quietly raised 
anchor and slipped away to Staten Island, where Allerton's bark 
was waiting for him. Here the exchange was made and the wily 
captain thus thought to escape the payment of the duty. 

As quickly as possible one of the Company's yachts had been 
sent after the Fortune, but she came too late to prevent the 

The New Netherland Register 15 

transfer. Not too late however to seize the Fortune which was 
hauled up before the Fort, to await the action of the authorities 
in this case of smuggling. 

It seems that the authorities had not secured the Fortune, 
perhaps trusting in the captain's ignorance of the waterway out 
to sea. But, if Captain Blenck was ignorant of the way out, 
not so his newly found friend, Captain David De Vries, who was 
to pilot the Fortune to Virginia, and who, once before during 
the night, had piloted a ship from Sandy Hook to before the 

For twenty years Captain De Vries had been warring on 
the Vv^est India Company and its officials. The destruction of 
his colonies at Swaenendael, the coast of Guiana, and more es- 
pecially those at Staten Island and Vriesendael — all within the 
territories of the Company — had only served to increase his 
rancor against an association which, if not able to save his 
foundings, at least had power to thwart him. 

In the case of the Fortune, a fine opportunity offered itself 
to baffle and expose to ridicule the hated officials of the detested 
Company, and Captain De Vries v^as sufficiently bold to grasp 
it. In the dead of night of October 8th, 1643, he quietly slipped 
on board Blenck's ship, had the anchor heaved, and through the 
darkness safely piloted the vessel to Sandy Hook. Here, how- 
ever, contrary winds delayed them for two days, and could the 
authorities have pursued the fleeing ship, she certainly would 
have been captured and returned to the anchorage under the 
guns of the Fort. 

After the authorities in the morning found that Captain 
Blenck and the Fortune had disappeared, they took up his case 
in Court and sentenced him "by verstek" (by default). In the 
sentence "Jacob Gerritsen Blenck is declared a rebel, a con- 
temner of justice and a defrauder of the Company's duties ; 
fined three hundred guilders ($120.) and his ship and cargo 
confiscated, with costs." 

If De Vries and Blenck ever heard of the sentence, they, 
doubtless cracked a few jokes at the expense of the baffled 
Director and Council at New Amsterdam. Yet, neither Blenck 
nor De Vries — as far as known — ever returned to New Nether- 
land. The world was wide enough for them, without going back 
where the resentment of the powers might jeopardize their 

\r<nr- hr^'ing pM(^ n visH t^ the South River ^Delaware), 

16 The New Netherland Register 

where Captain Blenck traded some wine and sweetmeats with 
the Swedish governor for peltries, the Fortune, on October 2ist, 
reached Virginia. Here De Vries found lying fully thirty ships, 
among them four from Holland, all waiting to complete their 
cargo of tobacco. De Vries stayed in Virginia all winter and 
on April loth, 1644, took passage on an English vessel, arriving 
in her at the Downs on the last day of May. Thence, after some 
delay, he took passage for Holland, and on June 21st, as stated 
in his journal, "arrived here within my paternal city of Hoorn, 
where I have an ancestry of two hundred years on the father's 
side, and at Amsterdam on my mother's side, and came to my 
house at three o'clock." 

Some Holland Society Year Books 

Most of the Holland Society's Year Books are worth look- 
ing over from the standpoint of the genealogist. The one for 
1896 is especially valuable in this regard, containing reprints of 
Lists of early emigrants to New Netherland, Early settlers in 
Rensselaerswyck, Lists of those taking the oath of allegiance in 
Kings County, N. Y., in 1687, House owners in New Amster- 
dam in 1674, and members of the Dutch church in New York 
in 1686. The Book for 1897 contains records of the First 
Church of Brooklyn and also a list of Early Dutch Settlers in 
Ulster County, N. Y. The Flatbush Church Records are a leading 
feature of the Year Book for 1898, while the one for 1899 has 
quite a full list of burials in the New York Dutch burial ground, 
between 1727 and 1803. The Year Books for 1900 and 1901 
contain extracts from some of the early Dutch records in the 
City Clerk's office in New York, which have quite a genealogical 
value. That for 1902 is invaluable in that it contains a corrected 
list of passengers to New Netherland, between 1657 and 1664, 
while the Year Book for 1903 contains some of the earliest exist- 
ing records of the New York Lutheran Church, which at the 
time embraced most of the Colony of New York, and much of 
New Jersey. The Year Books for 1904, 1905 and 1906 contain 
the Albany Dutch Church marriage and baptismal records, be- 
tween 1683 and 1749, and forthcoming Year Books will bring 
these down to 1808. 

The Records of the Reformed Church of Hackensack, 
Schraalenburgh and New Paltz, to about 1800, published sepa- 
rately, are highly prized by students of local history as well as 
by genealogists. 


Stenoarapbi? an^ U)?pewrittna 

ROOM 809, 99 NASSAU ST. Tel. 3f98 Cortland 


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A beautifully illustrated work. 
A proper present at any time. 


Written and pictured by 

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A Monthly Magazine 

Devoted to Ulster Co., N. Y. 

and Its Old Families. 
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Dutch History in pictures. 

208 pages, 384 pictures. 

Present innumerable phases of 

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New Haven, Conn. 
(Address: Yale Station, 

New Haven, Conn.) 

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Investigates and verifies family 
coats-of-arms and crests, paints 
them in any size for drawing 
room, dining room, library and 
hall decorations, letter-heads, book 
plates, seals, etc. 

Faithful and artistic execution 

Has done satisfactory work for 
many members of the Holland 
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References : 

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cretary of the Holland Society of 
N. Y., 99 Nassau St, N. Y. 

C. C. Vermeule, 203 Broadway, 
New York. 

Garret G. Ackerson, Hacken- 
sack, N. J. 


New Netherland 

Vol. I February, 1911 No. 2 


Carel Enjart 

Southern Netherland (the present Belgium) had reached a 
state of popular civilization and development in advance of the 
rest of Northern Europe some centuries before the successful 
revolt of Northern Netherland against Spain had caused Bel- 
gium's population to scatter, and forced its commerce and in- 
dustries, arts and sciences to seek more congenial surroundings 
in the northern provinces, some of the Hansetowns and even 
in England. 

The cities of Brabant, of Antwerp and of Flanders, before 
this great exodus, were the depositories of the arts of northern 
Europe, and the literature of Flanders was admired throughout 
the Germanic world. The people of the Netherlands generally 
were known as Flemings, the speech of the entire Netherland 
people was referred to as Flemish. The cities of Brussels, Ant- 
werp, Ghent and Bruges were famous long before Amsterdam 
began to be heard of, and their literary guilds gave laws to the 
common Netherland speech. 

The dispersion of the Antwerp merchants with their large 
capitals immediately benefited the Zeeland town of IMiddleburg 
and especially the Holland city of Amsterdam. The New Nether- 
land Company, but more particularly the W^est India Company, 
were largely conceived and financed by refugees from Brabant, 
Antwerp and Flanders. Many of New Netherland's most enter- 
prising merchants came directly from southern Netherland, while 
hundreds of agricultural settlers were the sons or grandsons of 

18 The New Netherland Register 

Belgian refugees. Even the seal of New Netherland "Sigillum 
Novi Belgii" betrays its close relationship to southern Nether- 

Carel Enjart was one of that large company of Flemings 
who from time to time found their way to New Netherland. On 
April 17, 1664, the ship DE EENDRACHT (The Concord), 
Captain Jan Bergen, was about to set sail from Amsterdam 
in Holland for Amsterdam in New Netherland. Among her 
thirty-eight passengers were Carel Enjart, from Flanders, his 
wife and three children, respectively twelve, eight and four years 
old. The Concord had arrived at Manhattan before the end of 
August, and was the last ship sent out with colonists from Holland, 
prior to the subjugation of New Netherland by the English, in 
September, 1664, which practically put a stop to Dutch coloniza- 
tion for more than a century. 

It is not at all improbable however that Enjart had been 
here before. At least on March 15, 1655, one Charles Ensardt was 
stated to have made an affidavit in connection with a trial then 
pending before the court of New Amsterdam. Ensardt may 
be a mistake for Enjardt. If he was the same as Carel Enjart, 
it is quite likely that he had come over ahead of his family, as 
was done by so many others, to examine the prospects held out 
by the country before emigrating. 

The Indian attack of September 15, 1655, may have de- 
terred him from taking over his family any earlier than he did, 
and the age of his next youngest child is conclusive proof that 
he had returned shortly after his first appearance here. 

Nothing more has been found as yet concerning Carel Enjart 
or his wife, nor about two of his children. It is probable that 
he and his family settled on Staten Island, and as its early civil 
and ecclesiastical records appear to be missing, it is somewhat 
doubtful whether anything concerning them will yet come to 
light. It is also not impossible that he moved to the South 

His probable son Yellis, who may have been the twelve 
year old child mentioned in the Concord's passenger list, appears 
in view on December 29, 1697, when he and Peter Petersen 
received a grant for a tract of land on the great plain on the 
north side of Staten Island, in the rear of Cornelis Corssen's 
land. This tract, or a portion of it, John Enyard, on January 
20,1722, sold to Jacobus Craven, who had married Antje Iniaart. 

The New Netherland Register 19 

On January 2, 1707, lellis Ingart made his will, which is 
recorded in Liber 7, in the Surrogate's office of New York City. 
In this will he refers to his wife Trentchea (Catherine), three 
sons, John, Charles and Tice (Matthys), and three daughters, 
Antea, Christinie and Annachia. The will was proved on March 
II, 1708. 

Of the three sons, Tice (Matthys) only seems to have re- 
mained on Staten Island, where he and his wife, Elizabeth Ger- 
ritsen, between 1730 and 1746, had six children baptised. The 
other sons, John and Charles, appear to have removed to New 
Jersey where, as early as 1715, John Inyard was a private in 
Captain John Moore's company of Col. Thomas Farmer's militia 

It is quite probable that the Carel Enyard, young man, who, 
on May 4, 1758, married Maria Stevens in the Reformed Church 
in Bucks County, Pa., and paid the minister fifteen shillings for 
his trouble, was the great grandson of the original immigrant. 
Carel and his wife, on May 6, 1759, had their son Abraham 
baptised in the same church, and thereafter disappear from the 
Bucks County Reformed Church record. 

Like nearly every pioneer family, the Enyarts participated 
in the migrations southward and westward, so that, at present 
there are many times more Enyards in the south and west than 
in the family's original eastern home. 

As is the case with most old New Netherland names, that 
of Enjart has undergone alterations. In the Staten Island Church 
records it is mostly put down as Enjard, Enyard, Iniaart and 
Inyard; the will has it Ingart. The Staten Island deed of 1722 
spells it Inyard, Ingerd, lenyerd, Inyerd, Inyer and Enyard. 

The majority of the present members of the family appear 
to have adhered as closely as possible to the original spelling 
and pronunciation, Enyart and Enyard being the forms seemingly 
in most common use among the large number of Carel Enjart's 

The probable origin of the name is Van den Ingaard, mean- 
ing from the Inner garden, which, through the French influence 
upon south Netherland names, may have been gradually modified 
to Injart and Enjart, as it was written by or for the original 

v?(> 1'iiK Xkw Xi:tiierland Register 

Jan Martensen Van Aelsteyn 

By William Becker Van Alstyne, M. D. 

The Province of Drenthe has furnished the ancestors of 
the \^oorhees, Bleeker, Elting, Heermance, Strycker, Sebring, 
W'emple, Westervelt and many other families and it was from 
this division of the Netherlands that Jan Martense, the ancestor 
of the Van Alstyne Family came. His wife, Derckien Hermanse, 
and at least two children, Herman and Abraham, accompanied 
him. On the i8th of July, 1655, the date of his first appearance 
in this country, a son. Marten, was baptised at New Amsterdam, 
the sponsor for the occasion being Ytie, the wife of Jacob Ger- 
ritsen Stryckers, tailor, from Ruinen in the Province of Drenthe. 
Herman in later years calls himself Van Meppelen, that is, born 
in Meppel, thus indicating that Jan Martense came from Meppel 
in the Province of Drenthe, a city on the Havelter Aa, twenty-six 
miles south-west of Assen, the capital of the Province. 

From the time of his arrival, Jan is frequently called '*de 
Wever" or "the Weaver" and, as we have no record of his 
carrying on that occupation in this country, the usage shows 
that he had practiced the trade long enough in Holland to have 
the name cling to him for life. Flanders was noted for its weav- 
ing and it has been thought that Jan's father or grandfather, 
if not he himself, came from that country, the theory being sup- 
ported by the fact that an old armorial family named Van 
Alstein still exists there. 

From New Amsterdam Jan Martense went to Wildwyck 
(Kingston) in connection with which his name appears on the 
Albany Court Records under date of 4 April, 1656, and in 
October of the same year he was living in Beverwyck (Albany). 
The weaver of Meppel had become a trader. We find him deal- 
ing in "good wdiole merchantable beaver skins" and other mer- 
chandise, and on the ist of May, 1658, buying from Pieter 
Lourensen the yacht "Hope". 

Among the traders it was necessary to keep peaceful relations 
with the Indians and to have representatives to conduct business 
during their absence. The sale of liquor to the Indians was un- 
lawful, yet to win their favor the early traders invariably sup- 
plied the Indians with it and frequently were fined for this 
misdemeanor. Like many others Jan and his wife were fined 
on several occasions for selling beer to them and once he was 

The Xkw Nki ni:kLA.\ij Rikjistkk 21 

fined for selling brandy "after the ringing of the bell and during 
the sermon." Often while Jan was away trading, important 
business would arise and his wife would act as her husband's 
representative, as did the wives of Nicholas de Meyer, Claes 
Jansen Ruyter, and other early traders under similar circum- 
stances. In this way she gave mortgages, made sales and bought 
land, always signing her name as "Derckien Hermanse". 

wSuccess resulted from their undertakings and on the loth 
of February, 1657, Andries Harpersen (Constapel) gave to Jan 
Martense, alias De Wever, right and title to a house bought at 
auction from Jurriaen Theunissen (Tappen). The deed was 
not confirmed until the 24th of February, 1660. when Andries 
Harpersen deeded an adjoining lot which the grantor had re- 
ceived from the Heer Director General and Council of New 
Netherland. It was at or before the door of this house that 
a year after its purchase, on February 22nd, Jacob Teunisse de 
Looper drew his knife against the "maelbor", and afterwards 
against Jan Roelofs, Anneke Jans' son, whom he wounded. 

Like other struggling pioneers who lived in a time when 
money as such was not always ready, Jan jNIartense was fre- 
quently obliged to give pledges of wheat, beaver skins, cattle, 
live-stock or even to mortgage his house and land. In this way, 
in 1660, he mortgaged his house, lot and garden in the village 
of Beverwyck to Nicholas de Meyer and to Jan Bastiaensen Van 
Gudsenhoven, the former of whom he owes 576 guilders in 
whole merchantable beaver skins and the latter of whom he 
owes 1042 guilders, 2 stuivers and 8 pennies, growing out of the 
receipt of invoices of goods and merchandise, which transactions 
show Martensen's extensive commercial dealings. These pledges 
he must have met, for his Albany real estate was held until the 
7th of February, 1693/4, when he conveyed it to Mees Hoge- 
boom for £15. The property is described as being without the 
north gate, bounded west by the street to Rensselaer's mill, north 
the creek, east by the Marselis (Marsellus) property and south 
by the road to the river. 

Jan soon turned his attention to farming. On the 28th of 
March, 1662, we find him raising corn and grain in Wildwyck. 
Anna Bloms demands of him 20 beavers and attaches his corn 
but he answers not to know anything about the debt and requests 
time until his wife arrives, assigning his grain up to that time. 
On the same day Herman Vedder also demands 100 schepels 

22 The New Netherland Register 

of oats and seizes grain belonging to Jan Martense at the house 
of Andries Barensen; parties agree about a future settlement. 
The following spring Jan was back in Albany selling to Honor- 
able Goosen Gerritse (Van Schaick) seven head of cattle for 
the sum of 580 guilders, payable in beavers. 

We do not find record of his owning land at Esopus until 
the 25th of April, 1663, when he patented twenty-one morgens 
of land and again on the nth of June, 1667, when he patented 
land ''near unto the New Village" (Hurley). The combined 
property was sold on the loth of September, 1684, to the heirs 
of Cornelius Wyncoop. On the 7th of June, 1663, just after 
Jan had received the first patent, the Indian onslaught and mas- 
sacre occurred at Wildwyck (Kingston). Military companies 
were organized and enrolled June 12th. Of the second company 
Willem Jansen was made lancepesade and the cadets were Jan 
De Weever (the weaver) and Arent Snyder (the tailor). It 
is interesting in this connection to note that Jan's son Abraham 
inherited his father's patriotism and became a corporal in 1673,. 
an ensign in 1689, and a captain in 1700 and also was a "farmer 
and navigator of a vessel on the Hudson." 

Doubtless on account of the unsettled condition at Esopus, 
we next hear of Jan Martense as a tenant of Volkert Janse 
(Douw) and Jan Tomassen (Mingael) upon the Island Schodack. 
The Heer Van Rensselaer, the Schout Swart and the Secretary 
Van Schelluyne were upon the island on the 12th of May, 1664, 
and for a week's time prevented him from plowing and sowing,, 
the landlords meanwhile freeing their tenant from all harm re- 
sulting from neglect of duties. 

This official visit of the patroon was the outcome of a 
resolution passed early in that year by the council of Rensselaers- 
wyck, annulling the purchase of the property from the Indians 
without the consent of the >colony. When the notice of this re- 
solution was served on the purchasers they produced a patent 
from Stuyvesant, dated 3 November, 1663, and Van Rensselaer's 
claim was a failure. 

In the early summer of 1671, it was recorded that milk and 
butter had been stolen from the farm of Eldert Gerbertsen Cruyf 
and Jan Martensen at Catskill. As early as 1659 Cruyf had 
received from Jan Dirckz Van Bremen a farm at Catskill but 
this is the only reference we have of Jan's farming interests at 
that place. Prior to 1671 however "the weaver" had made a 

The New Netherland Register 23 

final move and we find him living at Kinderhook where in com- 
pany with Hendrick Aleeusen (Vrooman), on the loth of Feb- 
ruary, 1669/70, he was appointed supervisor of roads. A year 
later, Feb. 21, 1670/71, Derckien Hermanse, empowered by her 
husband, acknowledged indebtedness to Mr. Goosen Gerritse in 
the sum of 318 guilders in beaver skins, for which she pledged 
her "winter wheat, house, barn, ricks, land and soil behind Kinder- 
hook." The deed of this property does not seem to have been 
confirmed until the 31st of May, 1671, when Jan Martense De 
Wever purchased of Robert Orchard and Janneken Donkerts, 
widow of Thomas Powell, '*a certain parcel of land lying behind 
Kinderhook, adjoining to the south Dirk (Hendrickse Bye alias) 
De Sweed, to the west Jacob Martense and the kil and easterly 
a little brook dividing the same from the land of Andries Hanse 
(Sharp)" for the sum of ''seventy whole good merchantable 
beaver skins," Derckien Hermanse acknowledging her indebted- 
ness to Mr. Jan Bruyns for that amount and promising "to pay 
thirty next spring, 1672, and the remaining forty beavers also 
in the spring, and in default of payment of the forty beavers, 
promises to pay as interest four beavers a year, but if she 
cannot make the payment in beavers, then she promises to give 
good winter wheat at beaver and market price, therefor pledging 
specially her land and bowery behind Kinderhook." On both 
of these occasions we find Jan Martense away, either trading or 
looking after his interests at Catskill or Albany and his wife 
acting for him. On the 25th of October, 1686, Jannet Powell 
again deeded land to "the weaver", which on the 7th of Nov- 
ember, 1695, he conveyed to his son "Abraham Jansen Marten- 

On the 14th of March, 1686, partition was made of the 
Kinderhook Patent and to the name of the patentee Jan Alarten- 
sen were drawn Lot 22 in the first allotment, lot 22 in the second 
allotment, lot 22 in the third allotment, lot 22 in the fourth allot- 
ment, lot 21 in the fifth allotment, and lot 21 in the sixth allot- 
ment. Of the valley land, he sold 70 or 80 acres to Gerrit Teunise 
Van Vechten on the 14th of February, 1686/7, snd 80 acres to 
Robert Livingston on the 20th of Feb. 1693/4. The names of 
his sons and his descendants are from time to time mentioned 
in connection with the Kinderhook property. 

The first dwelling erected prior to Feb. 1669/70, must have 
been a rough and temporary affair for on the 7th of Feb., 1674/5, 
Herman Bastiaensen Visscher was given contract to build a 

24r The Nkw Netherland Register 

house at Kinderhook for Jan Martensen and later, on the 14th 
of March, 1675/6, he received pay for building a barn and 
clearing land. 

The Records of the Albany Dutch Reformed Church show 
that in 1683 Jan Martense and his wife, and all of his children, 
except Harmen, who was then living in New York, were members 
of the church. In the account-book of the church we find that 
in Sept. 1682, Derckien de Wever and William Teller's wife 
were paid for board and care of Jan Cornelisen; and again in 
Sept., 1684, Jan Martense was paid 135 guilders for three 
months' board of fat (dicke) Jan Cornelissen. 

On the i6th of June, 1697, Jan de Wever was a resident in 
Rensselaerswyck or the Colonic with two children and no women 
in his family. It is not clear who the two children were, as 
all of his children were married ; possibly it means grandchildren. 
No doubt that he died soon after this date, probably having 
survived his wife, who some years before disappears from the 
records. Tradition relates that both were buried under the 
church at Kinderhook. 

Jan Martensen de Wever and Derckien Hermans had at 
least six children, Herman, born in Meppel, who married first 
Brechtje Elswaert and second Geesje Schuurmans ; Abraham 
born in Holland, who married first probably a daughter of Jacob 
Janszen Van Noostrand and second Marretje Van Deusen ; 
Marten, baptised in New Amsterdam, who married Jannetje 
Cornelise Bogert ; Lambert, who married Jannetje Mingael; 
Isaac, who married first Marritje (Vosburgh) and second Jan- 
netje Jochemse Van Valkenburgh ; and Dorothea, who married 
Jacob Vosburgh. Herman settled in New York, Abraham and 
Lambert in Kinderhook, Marten in Albany, Isaac in Albany 
and Schoharie, N. Y., and Dorothea in Kinderhook and Lin- 
lithgo, N. Y. 

The name Van Alstyne first appears in 1689 on the Albany 
Church Records. Prior to that date, the ancestor used the patro- 
nymic Martense or Martensen, meaning son of Marten and his 
children that of Janse or Jansen, meaning sons or children of 
Jan. The name is local and two explanations are given of its 
origin. First that it is derived from the Dutch words, "van" 
meaning from, *'aal" or *'ael" meaning eel, and **stein" meaning 
castle, from a castle having the emblem of an eel on the shield 
over its entrance, or from a castle near a stream where eels 

The New Netiierland Register 2j 

abounded. The name is similar in form to Van Loevenstein and 
Van Ravenstein, Loevenstein meaning lion castle and Ravenstein 
raven castle. The second explanation derives its origin from the 
Dutch words "van" meaning from, "adel" (mute "d") meaning 
ancestral ground, and "stein" meaning castle, from the castle 
on the ancestral ground. A secondary meaning of "adel" is noble. 
No place called Aelstein or Aalstein exists on the maps of Holland 
or Belgium, although there is reason to believe that such a 
place did exist. 

The name in its earliest forms appears under the variations 
Van Alstyn, Van Alsteyn, Van Aalsteyn, Van Aelsteyn and \^an 
Alstyne, sometimes without the Van. Most descendants use 
the form Van Alstyne and Van Alstine, but the descendants of 
Herman Jansen continue the name without the Van, in some 
cases having anglicised it to Alston. 

We have traced the history of Jan Martense, from 1655 
until 1697, have seen him begin life in this country as a trader, 
then a small farmer, later a farm owner and finally a patentee at 
Kingston and at Kinderhook, and if we read his simple life cor- 
rectly, we note that his thrift, enterprise and industry brought 

Jan Joosten and Jan Gysbertsen Van Meteren 

The name of Van Meteren is a notable one in Ihe annals 
of the Netherland people. One of the best known members of 
this family to Americans is the famous historian Emanuel Van 
Meteren, who was born at Antwerp in 1535. In one of his 
works he gave an account of Hudson's voyage of discovery in 
the Half Moon, which account was derived from other sources 
than Juet's Journal, and is embodied in Dr. Jameson's "Narratives 
of New Netherland." 

Half a century elapsed before the name of Van Meteren 
is again mentioned in connection with American affairs, this 
time however in the persons of New Netherland colonists, whose 
interest in the new world may have been aroused by reading 
their gifted namesake's account. 

On August 31, 1662, the ship Vos (Fox) Captain Jacob 
Jansen Huys had among its many passengers Jan Joosten, (who 
probably was returning to New Netherland) his wife and five 
children, respectively fifteen, twelve, nine, six and two and a 

26 The New Netherland Register 

half years old. The family's original home was the Thielerwaard 
(district near the city of Thiel) in the province of Gelderland. 

Upon their arrival, the family immediately went to Wild- 
wyck, in the Esopus, where they seem to have lived previously^ 
for in 1 66 1 Jan Joosten, in company with Allard Heymans 
Roosa and Jan Gerritssen, had been appointed a committee to 
superintend the enclosing of the new village of Niew Dorp 
(Hurley) in the present County of Ulster. 

Jan Joosten, who usually signed himself Jan Joosten Van 
Meteren, took up farming and speedily became prominent. He 
was appointed referee in a law suit in 1665, elected schepen 
(magistrate) in the same year, a deacon in 1667, and re-elected 
a schepen in 1668. During his term of office the then historic 
name of Wildwyck was, on September 25, 1669, changed to 
Kingston by the English and Jan Joosten, no more than his 
fellow magistrates, was consulted about the change. 

Wildwyck's surgeon, Gysbert Van Imbroch, (Van Em- 
burgh) had died on August 29, 1665. Besides being the local 
physician and pharmacist, he kept a general store, and the in- 
ventory of his estate includes a wide variety of objects, from 
high priced books down to the commonest necessaries of life. 
On September 2, Willem Beeckman, Jan Willemsen Hoochtey- 
lingh (Hotaling, Houghtaling), and Jan Joosten had taken an 
inventory of the property which included a copy of the celebrated 
work by Emanuel Van Meteren, alluded to before. 

At the sale on September 9, following, Jan Joosten was a 
generous buyer, his purchases amounting to nearly a hundred 
guilders. Two of his purchases were the Beehive, by the famous 
Marnix, Lord of St. Aldegonde, and the Chronicles of the Kings 
of England (in Dutch.) This shows the bent of the man's mind, 
and proves that the New Netherlanders were not the ignorant 
boors that the English of this and later periods were fond of 
characterizing the pioneers and founders of New Netherland 
and their descendants — simply because they did not understand 
the language of the usurpers, — a practice continued by the 
English of the present day in regard to the people of South 

During the troubles at Wildwyck, in 1667, originating from 
the outrageous conduct of the English garrison there, Jan Joosten 
took no sides, but with Willem Beeckman, Roelof Swartwout, 
Thomas Chambers and Evert Pels, attempted the role of mediator 

The New Netiierland Register 27 

and of dissuading the excited inhabitants from committing any 
rash act, which would only have resulted in the destruction of 
their lives and property either then or later. 

At the rebuilding of New Dorp ( Hurley j, Jan Joosten 
appears to have removed there, and through an adjustment of 
the boundaries between Hurley and Marbletown on March 30, 
1669 (1670?) was, with seven of his fellow citizens, annexed 
to the latter place. When, after the Dutch reconquest, Colve 
became Governor of New Netherland, Jan Joosten and Jan 
Broersen Decker, on October 6, 1673, were appointed magistrates 
of Marbletown, or Marbeldorp, as then named, in place of the 
appointees of the former English government. 

When, on March 7, 1681, Wessel Ten Broeck and his wife, 
Maria Ten Eyck, made a joint will, it was witnessed by Tierck 
Claessen De Witt and Jan Joosten, who, at the time was a 
justice. A few months later, on December 16, 1681, Jan Joosten 
and his wife, Maycken Hendricks, also made a joint will, which 
was witnessed by Benjamin Provoost and Severyen Ten Hout. 
In this will two sons, Joost and Gysbert, are named, and from 
the contents of the document it is evident that most of the 
real estate was located at Marbletown and a smaller quantity 
at Wassemaker's land, all in the County of Ulster. The probate 
of this will at Burlington, N. J., on June 13, 1706, shows that 
Jan Joosten survived his wife. 

It would seem that Gysbert had no sons, or he may have 
gone early to Southern New Jersey, and there blazed the path 
for his father, his brother Joost, or the latter's children, himself 
leaving hardly any trace in the Esopus country. 

On September 14, 1664, Sara, the daughter of Louis Du Bois 
and Catherine Blanchan, was baptised at Wildwyck. A little 
more than eighteen years later, on December 12, 1682, she mar- 
ried, at New Paltz, Joost Jansen Van Meteren, who was then 
living with his parents at Marbletown. The couple had at least 
four children, two girls and two boys, the oldest of whom, Jan, 
was baptised on October 14, 1683, and the youngest, Hendrick, 
on September i, 1695. It is quite probable that there was 
another son, Isaac Van Meteren, who, on June 9, 1719, qualified 
as administrator of the estate of Hendrick Mulliner of Salem 
County, N. J., and whose bondsmen were John and Henry Van 

Prominent as he was in the Esopus section of the colony 

28 The New Netherland Register 

of New York, it would appear that Jan Joosten Van Meteren did 
not consider the prospects here as promising as in the more 
southern part of the country, and at an advanced age joined in 
the migration southward by other New York famihes. 

With the evident exception of his son Joost, who, on May 
27, 1697, had surveyed for him "a. tract of stoney woodland, 
lying within the bounds of Marbletown, in Ulster County," it 
would appear that Jan Joosten Van Meteren moved with his 
family to Salem County, in the Colony of New Jersey, where 
land was to be acquired on more advantageous terms. Here his 
grandsons, Jan, Hendrick and Isaac Van Meteren, first bought 
3000 acres of land, which subsequently grew into 6000 acres, so 
that the Van Meterens were early among the largest property 
owners and most prominent residents of southern New Jersey. 

Jan Joosten Van Meteren had died before June 13, 1706, 
when he left a personal estate valued at £235.14, including six 
Negro slaves, a man, a woman and four children, valued together 
at ii45. The inventory had been made by John Van Nest and 
Hendrick Reinersen, and was sworn to by John Van Mater 
at Burlington, N. J. The document recording these transactions 
is in Dutch, showing that the tongue of New Netherland at 
the time was still vigorous in its southern bounds. 

From here this branch of the Van Meteren family, during 
colonial times, migrated westward into Pennsylvania, northward 
into Genesee County, N. Y., and southward into Delaware, Mary- 
land, Virginia, Kentucky and other southern colonies. Its mem- 
bers generally maintained the prestige gained for it by its found- 
ers, and it is stated that women of this southern branch during 
colonial times married into noble English families, thus attesting 
to its wealth and standing. 

On September 26, 1687, among those who took the oath of 
allegiance at New Utrecht to James II. of England, was Kreyn 
Janse Van Meteren, who at the time was stated to have been 
in the country twenty- four years. This would fix the date 
of his arrival in 1663. He had come over as a child with his 
father, Jan Gysbertsen Van Meteren, who hailed from Bommel, 
in the province of Gelderland. From the fact that Jan Joosten 
Van Meteren had a son Gysbert, it may be inferred that Jan 
Gysbertsen and Jan Joosten were cousins, the sons of two broth- 
ers, Gysbert and Joost. 

The New Xetiierland Rec;ister 29 

Unlike Jan Joostcn, his probable cousin Jan Gysbertsen 
settled at New Utrecht on Long Island, where he engaged in 
farming. Jan Gysbertsen did not appear prominently in the 
public eye until after the reconquest of New Netherland by 
the Dutch Admirals Evertsen and Binckes in August 1673. 

In the fall of the same year Schepen Jan Thomassen \'an 
Dyke had died and the Court of New Utrecht proposed as his 
successor Jan Gysbertsen. Governor Colve, on November 16, 
1673, appointed him, as is shown by the following extract from 
the record : ''The Governor has from the nomination made by 
the Magistrates of the town of Utrecht selected Jan Gysbertse 
Van Meteren as magistrate in the place of Jan Thomassen, 
now lately deceased." 

According to Bergen's ''Early Settlers of Kings County," 
Jan Gysbertsen was a deacon of the Dutch Church at New 
Utrecht, in 1683. According to the same authority, he was 
on the assessment rolls of the same place in 1675, 1676 and 
1683, and in the census of 1698, but the writer of the present 
article has failed to find his name there after 1675. This would 
indicate that he had either removed or died shortly after 1675, 
or disposed of his interests. 

It would appear that he had only one son, Kreyn Jansen, 
though it is not improbable that he had an older one, Gysbert, 
who may have died before reaching his majority, or have re- 
moved to another part of the country, possibly discarding the 
family name, or becoming known simply as Gysbert Jansen. 

Kreyn or Cryn Jansen Van Meteren came into prominence 
at about the same time as his father. On March 28, 1674, the 
people of New Utrecht had elected him and Hendrick ■Mattysen 
Smack their delegates to the General Assembly convened at 
New Orange (formerly New Amsterdam) by Governor Colve, 
to confer with him concerning the welfare of the country. Ac- 
cording to Bergen, Cryn Jansen was a member of the Dutch 
Church at New Utrecht in 1677, and a deacon in 1699. Accord- 
ing to the same authority, he was on Dongan's Patent to New 
Utrecht in 1686, and was assessed for forty-six acres of land 
in I 701. 

In 1675 the value of his taxable property, consisting of three 
horses and twenty-four morgens (about forty-eight acres) of land, 
amounted to one hundred and thirteen pounds sterling.- As the 
value of his horses is given as sixty-five pounds, this would 
fix the price of a horse in those days at about a hundred dollars, 

30 The New Netherland Register 

and the value of an acre of farming land, in settled communities, 
at about five dollars. As buildings appear to have been exempt 
from taxation, the value of his dwelling, barns and other struct- 
ures is not mentioned in the list. 

Just seven years later his taxable property in New Utrecht 
consisted of forty acres of land, two horses and four cows, 
while at the census taken about 1698 his family included himself, 
his wife and four children. 

The migrating spirit, so strong among New Netherland's 
pioneers, powerfully affected Long Island's agricultural popu- 
lation near the close of the seventeenth century. To the south 
of them, in New Jersey, there were hundreds of thousands of 
acres of the best farming lands, almost for the asking, awaiting 
the axe of the woodsman, to be followed by the plow of the 
husbandman. Thither they wended their way, mostly older 
sons, but there were also among them heads of large families, 
for whom the wilderness had no terrors. 

Among these was Creyn Jansen Van Meteren, who, notwith- 
standing his prominent position in New Utrecht — which, as a 
boy he had assisted in rendering habitable, — evidently longed 
for fresh wildernesses to subdue. Though no longer a young 
man at the time of his second migration, Creyn Jansen, early 
in the eighteenth century, disposed of his New Utrecht interests 
and, with scores of other Kings County people, moved into that 
portion of central New Jersey which later became known as 
Monmouth County. Here, with his sturdy family of five boys 
and three girls, he gradually cleared and made tillable the broad 
acres, first purchased and later added to. 

Here, during colonial times and the earlier years of the 
republic, the Van Meteren family grew in influence and numbers, 
being one of the most powerful factors in the development of 
Monmouth County. In fact, it is difficult to enumerate a single 
phase of activity — religious, educational, political, social, agri- 
cultural, industrial, commercial — in which one or more Van 
Meterens were not more or less prominently interested. The 
history of Monmouth County, as shown in Beekman's "Early 
Dutch Settlers of Monmouth County," is to a great extent inter- 
woven with the history of the Van Meterens. 

Their activity extended even into the broader field of the 
higher education, and one of their number, Jan Van Meteren, 
was among the earliest trustees for Queens (now Rutgers) 

The New Netherland Register 31 

College at New Brunswick, having been appointed as such on 
April 4, 1767. 

On April 26, 1719, Kryn Jansen Van Meteren, who was then 
living at Middletown, Monmouth County, N. J., made his last 
will. In it he mentioned his wife, Neeltye, (Van Cleef) and 
their children Jan, Yda, Engeltye, Cornelia, Ghisbert, Benjamin, 
Sirynus (Quirynus) and Joseph, appointing his brothers-in-law, 
Benjamin Van Cleve and Philip Folcoertson, executors. Where, 
as a rule, two subscribing witnesses are judged sufficient, this 
w^ill is subscribed to by not less than five, viz. : Jacobus Swett, 
Hendrick Smock, John, Thomas and William Lawrence. 

Kryn Jansen had passed away on March 21, 1720, when the 
will was proved, and on May 7 following an inventory was 
taken of the personal estate, whose value amounted to nearly a 
thousand dollars, including a large bible and four other books, 
whose combined value was set down at $22.50. 

Benjamin, born in 1702, through his son Cyreneus, his grand- 
son Peter, his great grandson John and his great great grandson 
George W. was the first native born American ancestor of Dr 
George G. Van Mater, of Brooklyn, N. Y., to whose successful 
treatment as an oculist and devoted interest as a physician, the 
writer of this article pays a grateful tribute. 

After the English usurpation had forced upon the people 
of New Netherland an alien tongue, most New Netherland 
names underwent notable changes, and that of Van Meteren was 
no exception. Van Metre, Van Metere, Van Meter, Vanmeter, 
Van Mater, Van Mather, Van Matre, Van Matere, Vanmarter, 
Van Martyr are some of the modifications. Others, having drop- 
ped the Van, simply became known as Mater or even Mather, 
unrecognizable remnants of the glorious old name of Van 

32 The New Netherland Register 


The Early History of the Jews in New York, 1654-1664. Some new 
Matter on the Subject. By Samuel Oppenheim, 1909. 

In his "An Early Jewish Colony in Western Guiana, 1658-1666" 
Mr. Oppenheim opened up a practically unexplored field. In the 
"Early History of the Jews in New York" he sheds much new light 
on a better known subject. In both, his thoroughness and fidelity 
of narration excite admiration. His untiring efforts to get at the 
truth of the matter, necessitated the delving into obscure works and 
dusty archives, written in many languages. His able, temperate and 
impartial presentation of the facts mark him as a historian. 

"The Early History of the Jews in New York" is not altogether 
pleasant reading. While Holland was the only European country 
at the time where the Jews enjoyed a somewhat fuller measure of 
liberty, and while the English, also, were beginning to discuss the 
feasibility of admitting Jewish merchants as residents into England^ 
the Jews had to fight hard to obtain a foothold in New Netherlands 
and these struggles the author narrates. 

Religion in New Netherland. A History of the Development of the 

Religious Conditions in the Province of New Netherland 1623-1664. 

By Frederick J, Zwierlein, L. D., 1910. 

This Dissertation is a masterly, historic presentation of unpleasant 
facts, somewhat in the manner of a Prosecutor, depicting to the Jury 
a culprit's misdeeds. Dr. Zwierlein's investigations were thorough, and 
the Bibliography, at the end of the volume, is of the greatest value 
to the student of New Netherland's general history. 

There were reasons, economic and political, why repressive measures 
were often deemed necessary and Dr. Zwierlein, with admirable im- 
partiality, has pointed this out in many cases. He also gives credit to the 
Rev. Polhemus (p. 243) for not sharing the narrow religious views of 
his colleagues and of the authorities at Manhattan. 

The book shows that New Netherland was no more free from 
religious intolerance and acerbity than other American communities at 
the time. On the other hand the author continually emphasizes the 
fact, that, while there was no liberty of religious worship in the colony, 
there was full freedom of conscience. 

The study of this able treatise shows anew that religious toleration 
is a growth, the lesson taught by experience that it is impossible to force 
men's convictions into the same groove, to cast men's consciences in 
the mould arbitrarily chosen by the majority or the powers that be. 

Upon laying down the book one feels thankful that he is living 
in an age and a country where the wisdom taught by the centuries has 
resulted in granting equality to all religions, creeds and sects whose 
adherents are willing to obey the general laws. 


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New Netkef land 

Vol. 1 March, 1911 No. 3 



Early English and Other Foreign Ships 
at New Amsterdam 


Abel Reddenhausen 

The Government of New Netherland 
Early Records and Documents 


Viele, 1659— 1909. Two hundred and fifty 
years with a Dutch Family of New York 

Publisher and Editor 

99 Nassau Street New York, N. Y. 


By Mary Riggt Diefendorf. 

Octavo.— 24 illustrations. 
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G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York. 

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A proper present at any time. 


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and Its Old Families. 
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Dutch History in pictures. 



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Present innumerable phases of 

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the last 400 years. 

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Investigates and verifies family 
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New Nethei^land 

Vol. I MarcK, 1911 No. 3 

Early English and Other Foreign Ships at New Amsterdam 

There is no evidence of any intercourse between the Dutch 
and EngHsh colonies in North America prior to 1627. In the 
fall of said year the Company's bark Nassau, probably com- 
manded by Captain Jan Jansen Brouwer, and having on board 
a small cargo of Dutch commodities, was the first to establish 
commercial relations between New Plymouth and New Amster- 
dam. Ever since that time the intercourse between the two settle- 
ments grew apace, and though there is no early mention of the 
names of any New England ships or masters, it is evident from 
chance reports that their calls at New Amsterdam must have 
been frequent. 

The first English ship of which mention is made in the 
records was the William of London, under command of a Dutch 
merchant or supercargo named Jacob Elkins. In the spring of 
1633 the William invaded the North River^ for the purpi^se of 
trading with the Indians for furs. As the fur trade was a mo- 
no])oly reserved to the West India Company, she was exj)elled 
from the river by Director \'an T wilier. 

The next English ship of which mention is found was that 
of Captain Stone, a New England trader. On June 15. i()33. 
he sailed into the Lower lUiy just at the time when h\> friend 
Captain David De Vries was leaving. As Stone was unacquainted 
with the geography of the Bays, De \^ries furnished Stone with 
one of his own sailors to pilot the New England ship to New 

:U 'riiK Xkw Nktiiicrland Rkcistkr 

During the month of Tune, 1636, when Captain De Vries 
was again at New Amsterdam, he noted down in his journal that 
CorneHs Van Vorst, the superintendent of Pauw's bouwery at 
Pavonia, had just returned from a trip to New England in a 
small English bark loaded with Bordeaux wine. This doubtless 
was sold by Van Vorst at New Amsterdam, where, according 
to reports, wine was better appreciated than in New England. 

At about the same time an English privateer sailing under a 
Dutch commission arrived here from the West Indies with two 
Spanish prizes, loaded with tobacco and hides. The Englishman 
sold his prizes at Fort Amsterdam, and sent his goods in a West 
India Company's vessel to Europe, while ten of the privateer's 
crew took passage in De Vries' ship. 

As early as September, 1638, there is evidence of the sale, 
at New Amsterdam to Dutchmen, of an English vessel. It was 
then stated that Captain Taylor had sold his sloop to Jan Schep- 
moes and Claes De Veringh, who were among the first New 
Netherlanders to engage in navigation on their own account. 

Schepmoes and De Veringh doubtless also visited Virginia 
and Maryland, though the earliest mention of any communica- 
tion with the Southern English colonies was contained in an 
order by the Council of New Netherland, dated June 27, 1639, 
regarding the arrival here from Virginia of Gerrit Sanders, an 
Englishman, in an open bark. A few months later, on May 3, 
1640, Fiscal Van der Huyghen instituted proceedings against 
Govert Loockerman, an enterprising trader, and other residents 
of New Amsterdam, for boarding an English ship, without a 
permit from the Council. 

As early at least as the year 1641 there is positive evidence 
in the New Netherland records of a lively commercial inter- 
course between New Amsterdam and Virginia, under which name 
^laryland was also included. The Dutch merchants chiefly con- 
cerned in the Virginia tobacco trade were Arent Corsen Stam 
and his brother Dirck, who even had taken up their residence in 
Virginia and made periodical trips to New Amsterdam with 
cargoes of \'irginia tobacco, which they exchanged here for 
commodities, imported from Holland. 

Though scarcely any mention of it is made in the records, 
so fre(|uent had become the visits of EngHsh vessels, both from 
Virginia and from New England, that Director Kieft, for the 
accommodation of the English visitors, in 1641, had erected a 


Till-; \i-:w .\j-:'iiii-;ki..\\)) l\i:(.is'ri-:i< ;{5 

fine stone tavern at the present Coenties Slip, which, a dozen 
years later, became the first City Hall. 

On July I, 1644, Manhattan's roadstead \va^5 visited b\ two 
Spanish barks, loaded with sugar, tobacco and wine. Their 
> visit however was rather involuntary, they having been made 
' prizes of war in West India waters by the famous new Nether- 
land privateer La Garce, which, under commanrl of Captain 
^ AVillem Blauvelt, was inflicting considerable damage ujx^n 
) Spanish commerce. This was neither the first nor the last time 
' that the La Garce brought in j^rizes. The records make frequent 
^ mention of the privateer's exploits, which, during the early 
\ years of Stuyvesant's administration, gave rise to some diffic- 
^c^ ulties with the home government. 

On May 11, 1645, Richard CloufT, one of the earliest En- 
glish patentees of Canarsie, sued at New xA.msterdam Philip White, 
a Virginia merchant, and ship owner, for twenty-two "cwts." 
of pork. As Mr. White stated that he had paid the debt to Mr. 
Bushrood in Virginia, he was permitted to leave here, provided 
lie should furnish security for the payment of the debt, if not 
already paid. 

As an illustration of the somewhat lawless spirit of the 
times, an entry in the Council minutes of September 28, 1645, 
is quite to the point. On said date John Wilcox charged one 
Mr. Clark with threatening to fit out a ship for the purpose of 
capturing and making a prize of Wilcox's vessel. The Council 
ordered Wilcox to prove his rather unusual accusation, or else 
that Mr. Clark would be permitted to proceed on his voyage. 
As no further mention is made of the m:;tter, it is quite prob- 
able that it was one of the many samples of idle talk indulged 
in by the gossiping loungers at the river front. 

It is to the minutes both of the Council and of the City 
Court that we are indebted for nearly all of our information 
about the visits of foreign ships at New .Vmsterdam. It would 
appear that the foreign visitors in many instances considered 
New Amsterdam as a kind of clearing house to adjust their 
various difTerences. The airing of their quarrels before the local 
magistrates not infrequently is the means of informing us of 
their presence in port, which otherwise would have remained 
unrecorded. At other times suits instituted by local residents 
against them, or by them against local residents, reveals the i)res- 
ence of foreign shipmasters and crews. It is therefore evident 

'M\ The New Netherland Register 

tliat in order to gain whatever information is obtainable about 
the arrival and stay of foreign vessels at New Amsterdam, an 
investigation of the court records is absolutely necessary. It is 
quite probable that neither the owners, the captains, nor any of 
the crews of very many foreign ships ever appeared before the 
courts, so that at best the court records only present a very im- 
perfect picture of the movements of foreign ships at New Nether- 
land's capital. 

Early in the summer of 1644 a bark had arrived at New 
Amsterdam from Virginia, probably loaded with tobacco. As 
there was a dispute about the ownership, the vessel was attached 
by one of the contestants and the case carried before the Council 
of New Netherland. 

It would seem that her owner in \'irginia owed a debt to 
one Mr. Aloor, and Moor had obtained the attachment. When, 
on July 8, 1644, the case was heard in Court, the attachment 
on the bark was vacated, though the owner's attorney here was 
obHged to give security for the vessel's value in case it should 
be afterward shown that Moor's claim against the \^irginia man 
was still unsettled. 

At another time, on August 17, 1646, John Evans, a prom- 
inent New Haven merchant, sued John Wilcox for the delivery 
of the ship Abigail. Wilcox answered that he was ready to live 
up to the contract and deliver the ship, provided he received pay- 
ment first. The Council decided in favor of Evans, with Gov- 
ernor Prinz of the Swedish colony on the South River as Wil- 
cox's security for the purchase money. 

Two weeks later two other Englishmen had a case in court 
about the part ownership of a vessel, which dispute was settled 
by arbitration. 

During the month of September following it would appear 
that another British ship, called the Scotch Dutchman, had ar- 
rived at New Amsterdam. She was probably so named on ac- 
count of her Captain, Jacob Everson Sandelyn, or James Sander- 
lin, who, as indicated by his name, may have been a Scotchman 
of Dutch origin. Sanderlin had been trading with the Swedes 
on the South River and had caused some papers to be delivered 
to the Rev. Everardus Bogardus, among them a bill of exchange 
drawn by the Swedish Governor on parties in Holland. To this 
transaction the authorities at New Amsterdam took exception. 

Till-: \i:w Xi:tiii;ki..\mj Ri-:(,i.sti-:k .T; 

and the Fiscal, as prosecuting officer, had interested himself in 
the matter. 

Sanderlin was again at Manhattan on July 13, 1672, when he 
had been drafted on a jury to decide a suit between Lawrence 
Gonsalus and Matthias De Hart regarding the payment of a debt. 

On July 10, 1642, Mr. Whiting, a merchant of Hartford 
in Connecticut, had called upon the Council at New Amsterdam 
for the purpose of negotiating for a cession of the territory on 
the Fresh River of New Netherland, usurped by the English. 
About four years afterward Whiting, or his representative, got 
into difficulties at New Amsterdam and his bark had been at- 
tached, but released upon security by John Dolling, who, on 
August 2, 1646, was condemned to satisfy Whiting's liabilities. 
It would appear that Whiting neglected to indemnify Dolling 
and when, a few months afterward. Whiting's bark again called 
at New Amsterdam, Dolling in his turn attached her. The case 
came up in court on November 2, where Dolling's demand was 
found to be just, and Whiting's representative was condemned 
to pay Dolling not only the monies laid out on Whiting's account, 
but the costs of the suit as well. 

Early in the spring of 1648 Joseph Brewster, a New Haven 
merchant who was in the habit of trading at New Amsterdam, 
had arrived here with his vessel. Brewster had received a num- 
ber of letters addressed to Mr- ^^'esterhouse, a Dutch merchant 
living at New Haven, who for various reasons was obnoxious 
to the New Netherland authorities. 

On March 30, 1648, the Council ordered the seizure and 
examination of the above letters which act subsequently caused 
a spirited correspondence between Governors Stuyvesant and 
Eaton. Three weeks later Captain Brewster was fined fifty 
guilders and costs for disregarding the ordinance designating the 
anchorage ground for vessels in the port of New Amsterdam. 

Among the foreign vessels entering New Amsterdam's har- 
bor during the summer of 1648 was the Spanish bark Nostra 
Signora Rosario, which had been captured by the Company's 
ship, The Cat, off the Island of Margarita in the West Indies. 
On July 20 she was sent to Curagao for a cargo of salt and other 
tropical merchandise, but is heard of no more. Possibly she met 
with the same fate as her captor, The Cat, which, in the fall of 
the same year, foundered at Sandy Hook, though her crew were 
happily saved. 

38 rill-: Xkw Xetiikrland Register 

John llaynes, a Virginia yacht captain, and his brother 
Lawrence, a merchant, appear to have been among the earUest 
Virginians paying regular visits with their vessels to New Am- 
sterdam. Early in the summer of 1648 Jacob Reynsen, a Dutch 
merchant, who had shipped goods in Haynes' bark, had smuggled 
a quantity of lead, — which was contraband — in the water cask 
of Haynes' ship. For this and other illegal transactions, Reyn- 
sen was arrested by order of the Council, but escaped from 
prison. After having been retaken he was, on July 9, 1648,. 
condemned to banishment for five years, while all of his property 
was declared confiscated. About three weeks afterward the 
sentence of banishment was remitted, though it would appear 
that the confiscation of his property remained in force. As no 
proceedings seem to have been taken against Haynes, it is quite 
probable that he was either innocent in the matter or had man- 
aged to get away before the storm broke loose. 

Early in 1648 peace had been concluded between Spain and 
the Dutch republic, which ended the Eighty Years' War for 
Dutch independence. Five months after the peace was to be- 
come operative in West India waters, the privateer La Garce- 
had captured a Spanish bark in the river Tobasco, put a prize 
crew on board and sent her to New Am.sterdam. On July 7, 
1649, the Council declared her capture illegal and the ship and 
cargo were released- As the war against Portugal was not ter- 
minated until 1 661, captures of Portuguese vessels were legal. 
Consequently, on the same date that the Spanish ship was re- 
leased, a Portuguese merchantman, The Hope of Better, captured 
in the Bay of Campeachy, and also sent to New Amsterdam, 
was condemned by the Council as a lawful prize. 

Early in the fall of 1652 Captain John Brett had arrived at 
New Amsterdam with his open yacht from one of the English 
colonies. After having discharged his cargo. Captain Brett in- 
tended to sail either to New England or yet further north. Two 
of his sailors, Nicholas Stevenson and Williarn Hallett, refused 
to continue the voyage and demanded their wages. This demand 
was refused by the Captain. The sailors brought their case be- 
fore the Council, which, on vSeptember 30, decided against the 
Captain, ruling that ''the plaintiffs are free from their engage- 
ment on arriving in New Netherland, and cannot be compelled 
to make another voyage northward in an open yacht in winter."" 
After 1652 the number of foreign ships, calHng at Newr 

TnK Xi-:w Xj:'jim:i<i..\.\J) KK(,jN'i):k 39 

Amsterdam, increased to such an extent, and the recorded ex- 
periences of their masters and crews became so numerous, that 
the recital fills many hundreds of pages of the records. The 
most interesting incidents in connection with these foreign vis- 
itors will be related from time to time in the pages of the Xew 
Netherland Register. 

Abel Reddenhausen 

By William Blckkr \\\n Alstvni:, M. D. 

The principality of Waldeck is situated in the western part 
of Germany and consists of two detached portions, the former 
principality of Waldeck and the tiny principality of Pyrmont, 
both territories lying in the basin of the Weser. From the main 
division, characterized by its hills, mountains and forests, came 
Abel Reddenhausen (Riddenhars ), the ancestor of the Xew 
Jersey family of Ridner or Rednar. He arrived in this country 
prior to December 28, 1641, when he married at Xew Amsterdam 
Geertje Nannincks (X^annix), widow of Tjerck Hendrickszen, 
On the 27th of January, 1643, ^^^el declared that he made gloves 
from English duffles three years ago in "the bay" (Flatlands, 
L. I.). This single statement constitutes our entire knowledge 
of the man, for he died before August 2. 1644, when his widow 
sold her house at X^ew Amsterdam, at the corner of the East 
River and the present Broad Street to her neighbor Cornelis 

Geertje Nannincks' story is interesting from the matrimonial 
standpoint, for she married at least five times. She came to this 
country in 1641 with her son and little daughter by the ship "den 
Coninck David" (The King David). As fellow passengers on 
the same vessel were Anthony de Hooges, in the service of Kili- 
aen Van Rensselaer, and Jan \''erbeeck ,with his wife, daughter 
and maid-servant. The directors of the \\'est India Company, 
Chamber of Amsterdam, ordered the skipper to permit them all 
to sleep and eat in the cabin. Her first husband, Tjerck Hen- 
drickszen, having died, Geertje married second Abel Redden- 
hausen, third, July 21, 1647, at New Amsterdam, Claes Janszen 
Rust, baker, and fourth, about 1648, apparently in the Colony 
of Rensselaerswyck, Willem Frcdericksz (Bout) from Lcyden, 

40 TiiK Xevv Netherland Register 

free carpenter, who is charged with one hundred and forty-two 
guilders six stivers for passage of his wife and two children 
on the ship ''den Coninck David." On March 4, 1653, Geertje 
Nannix testifies that Rut Arentsen has promised to marry her 
and has given her a ring. The Court Minutes do not reveal the 
outcome of the claim, but it is known that Claes Cornelis Mitelaer 
or ]\Iitalers married Geertje Xannix and in 1671 resided on Ber- 
gen's Island, Flatlands (L. I.)" 

Hendrick Abelsz Riddenhausen, only child of Abel Ridden- 
hausen and Geertje Nannincks, was baptised September 7, 1642, 
■at New Amsterdam. While a young man, he visited Holland, 
returning March 15, 1663, in "De Rooseboom" (The Rosetree). 
He married Sophia Van Wyckersloot (Wykersloot), soon after 
which they appear at Hackemack, Virginia, where one at least 
of their children (Abel) was born. By occupation Hendrick 
was a carpenter and shipbuilder. The Van Rensselaer Bowler 
Manuscripts state that on July 6, 1671, he received one hundred 
and three guilders for wainscoting the cabin and accessories of 
the ship "de Witte Kloodt" (The White Globe). On May 2, 
1682, Hendrick Abels and others made a contract to build a boat 
thirty-six feet long in keel for the sum of sixty beavers, for 
Cornelis Cornelissen Vander Hoven and Andries Hanse Scherp. 
On July 4th of the same year, Barent Harmensen and Andries 
Appel paid Riddenhausen for . making a boat, and two years 
later, on June 30th, Hendrick Abelsen and others bought from 
Meeus Pietersen Hoogeboom a yacht called "The Royal Oak," 
Abelsen's share being sold on September loth to Nanning Har- 
mensen. On February 2, 1681, Jacob Salomonsen (Goewey) 
sold Hendrick Abelsen a lot in Greenbush between Jan Oothout 
and Surgeon Cornelis Van Dyck, and in 1683 Hendrick and 
Sophia Abels were on the roll of membership of the Dutch Re- 
formed Church at Albany. 

Like Hendrick's mother, his wife had an interesting mat- 
rimonial history. Sophia Van Wyckersloot married first Dirck 
Van Hamel, secretary of the colony, who died July 2, 1660, and 
second, prior to September 20, 1661, Anthony Toinel ; third, Hen- 
drick Abelsz Reddenhausen, and fourth, December 6, 1692, at 
Albany, Jan Xak (X'ack), widowxr. She was buried September 
16, 1710, at Bergen, X. J., being the one hundred and thirty-sixth 
person for whom the pall was used. 

We have record of three children of Hendrick Reddenhausen 

Til]'; Xkw Xethj-:kland J<.i:(;j.s'j i:i^ 11 

:an(.\ Sophia Van Wyckersloot: Abel, born in Hackemack, Vir- 
ginia, who married July 26, 1696, at Bergen, Catryn Janse Van 
Blarcom, baptised October 10, 1675, at New York City, daughter 
of Jan Lubbertszen Van Blarcom, from Edam, and Magdaleentjc 
Theunis, from Voorthuysen ; Geertruy, who married April 5, 
1686, at Albany, Robert Sickels, son of Zacharias Sickels and 
Anna Van Valkenburgh ; and Willem, buried December 13, 1689, 
at Bergen, he being the fifty-third person for whom the pall was 

Abel Reddenhausen, grandson of the pioneer, was the only 
one to perpetuate the name. Of his family of at least twelve 
children seven were sons, and of these four probably lived to 
manhood. The name soon became contracted to Reddenhaas or 
Riddenhaas, and later to the present form Redner and Ridnar. 

The Government of New Netherland 

New Netherland was ruled from Holland through a Di- 
rector General and Council, appointed or approved by the home 
authorities, and whose seat of government was at Fort Amster- 
dam on the Island of Manhattan. 

The Director General was the responsible head of the gov- 
ernment of the Colony- As in most other American colonies, he 
was answerable for his rule to none but his employers, the gov- 
erned at first having no voice in political or any other public 

As long as the entire country, from the banks of the St. 
Lawrence and the Great Lakes to the mouth of the South River 
(Delaware), was little more than a huge trading post, visited 
only by trading vessels with the officials of the New Netherland 
and afterward of the West India Company as the sole white 
occupants, the Director here was nothing more than the general 
manager of the fur trade. His authority, then, was unchallenged 
and as long as he treated the men under him well, no fault could 
be found on their part. 

Even the earliest recorded agricultural settlement in 1623 
and the next half a dozen years made no difference in the general 
condition, as the agricultural settlers were all in the employ of 
the West India Company and most of them had been engaged 
for a definite number of vears, to be returned to Netherland at 

4*^ Till-: \k\v Xktiikri-axi) Rkc.istkk 

the expense of the Company at the expiration of their term of 
employment. \>ry many did return. 

When, after 1630, the Freedoms and Exemptions had intro- 
duced the Patroonships and induced many independent farmers. 
to settle in the country, and more so when the throwing open of 
most of the country's trade, after 1639, to the inhabitants of New 
Xetherland, had caused many hundreds of people to become per- 
manent colonists, the status of the Director General underwent 
a decided change. From the head of a trading establishment 
with a few hundred employees and dependents, he became the 
Governor of a Colony, peopled with independent citizens, such as 
merchants, farmers, mechanics of all classes, Indian traders, 
professional men, and others, forming part of civilized commun- 
ities. From this time on his troubles began. 

The Director General, even after the transformation, re- 
mained the single responsible ruler, answerable only to his em- 
ployers, the Directors of the West India Company. The people 
had no direct voice in the government, though it is evident 
throughout that their wishes were respected whenever the powers, 
either here or in Holland, deemed they could do so without 
jeopardising their own authority. 

Still, the Director General was not absolute in his office. 
Though he even dared to oppose individual Directors of the West 
India Company, visiting in this country, his authority was cir- 
cumscribed not only by the limitations imposed upon him by his 
instructions, but the general laws passed by the States General, 
the States of Holland, and even the ordinances of the City of 
Amsterdam, as far as applicable here, were in force in Xew 
Xetherland, and the ruling guide in the government of the coun- 
try. The States General, in the last resort, were the sovereigns,. 
though with limitations imposed by themselves- 

Therefore, though the Colonists were without a voice in 
their government, the power of the Director General was not 
absolute. Enactments passed here needed the approval of the 
authorities in the mother country to give them the force of law. 
And the enemies of the West India Company in Holland saw 
to it that the Directors did not go beyond their constitutional 
limitations. Besides, their self interest, the imperative need of 
making Xew Xetherland selfsupporting, and a source of revenue 
instead of a drain on the Company's resources, was sufficient to- 
induce them to be as liberal as circumstances would permits 

The Xkw XjanEKLAND Ri-:(jJstj:k 43 

The corrcsi^oiulence between Stuyvesant and the Directors in 
Holland shows this to have been the guiding principle in their 
government of the province. Population was to be promoted, 
the country's resources were to be developed, and this could not 
be done where the rule was arbitrary or tyrannical. The only 
serious accusation against both the New Netherland and the 
home authorities was the refusal of public worship to any but 
the adherents of the Reformed Church. Grave enough when 
viewed from the twentieth century standpoint, but not altogether 
inexcusable when compared with the standards quite generally 
obtaining during the seventeenth century. 

As the Director General was the only responsible ruler, 
the Council of New Netherland, though an influential body, had 
no real legislative authority. Stuyvesant was perfectly within 
his rights when on a certain occasion he exclaimed, "for so it 
shall be decided by the Council," or words to that effect. The 
functions of the Council were twofold. First, to deliberate 
with, and advise the Director General on political and legislative 
matters ; second, to act as a Court of Justice. 

The Director General was bound to consult the Council on 
all matters of government, but he was not bound to follow its 
advice. He also had authority to suspend members of the Coun- 
cil, though their dismissal was to be ratified or ordered from 
Holland. More than once, especially during the earlier years 
of his incumbency, did Stuyvesant avail himself of his right 
to suspend unruly members or those siding with the opposition 
against the Company. On the other hand, he was very careful 
not to interfere, after a man of the standing; and character of 
Councillor De Decker had sharply criticised some of his acts. 

As considerations of economy on the part of the authorities 
in Holland, were the cause of keeping down the number of the 
Council's permanent members to one or two, it was necessary 
to supply this apparent deficienc}', and this was done by ad- 
joining as Councillors the Captains of Company's ships when 
in port, and of military officers, either garrisoned here, or call- 
ing at Manhattan on their voyage to or from their stations, 
whether in this country or in other possessions of the Company. 
It was found, however, that this makeshift arrangement did 
not work very satisfactorily, and when, during the later years 
of Stuyvesant's rule, the country's development warranted the 
expense, the Council was re-organized and increased, doins; away 

44 The New Netherland Register 

with the old time custom of inefficiently administering the gov- 

Still, even then the custom of adjoining temporary Coun- 
cillors was not entirely aldiaoned. In matters of grave import, 
or when the Director General or some of the Councillors were 
absent for any length of time, the Council was usually strength- 
ened by adjoining to it the Burgomasters of New Amsterdam 
and other members of governing bodies. In after years the Di- 
rector General and Council never passed important ordinances 
without first consulting the City Government, or seeking the 
advice, sometimes even the consent or approval, of those classes 
of the community most vitally interested in the proposed meas- 
ures. Though the powers, to the last, were fighting to preserve 
the outward semblance of nominally absolute rule, and against 
any direct, legalized, institutional, popular participation in the 
direction of the country's affairs, the government for about a 
dozen years prior to the end of the Dutch regime had been a 
virtual, if limited, democracy, lacking the forms, but dominated 
by the spirit of popular control. The correspondence, the Coun- 
cil Minutes, the records of New Amsterdam are replete with in- 
stances showing this to have been the case. On the one hand 
the fierce opposition of the Director General and Council to 
every popular demand for a representative government; on the 
other hand their willingness, anxiety even, to ascertain, and, if 
possible, conform to the will of the community. 

Prior to Stuyvesant's accession, the Director General pre- 
sided at all sessions of the Council of New Netherland, whether 
assembled as a political body or sitting as a Court of Justice. 
Stuyvesant delegated to the Vice-Director the duty of presiding 
at the Council meetings when acting as judges, reserving to 
himself the right to take the Vice-Director's place whenever 
matters of grave importance were to be judicially passed upon. 

It happened more than once that the Council when sitting 
as a Court of Justice, was incomplete, or considered not disinter- 
ested enough to judge the case impartially. In similar instances 
the defect was rectified by adding to its number two or more of 
the most respectable and intelligent members of the community. 
The parties in the suit were not even then obliged to consent 
to their Judges, and had the right of challenge. Thus, when on 
April 28, 1643, a suit was brought by the Fiscal against Gerrit 
\^anden Bergh and Willem De Key, the Council was considered 

Till-: New \i-:rni-:Ki..\M) l<K(iis'ii:i< !."» 

too incomplete to properly dispose of the matter, and Captain 
Jan De Vries, Ensign (iysbert De Leeuw, and Commissaries 
Van Cortlandt and Opdyck were adjoined to try the case. De Key 
challenged Captain De X'ries on account of being a friend of his 
opponent, and Vanden Bergh challenged Opdyck, tlnnigh the 
challenge against Opdyck was withdrawn on May 1 1 , when the 
case again came up for trial. Whenever it was at all practicable, 
the Council, in civil suits, referred cases to arbitrators, and the 
rarity with which the contestants again had recourse to the 
Court in matters put in the hands of referees, is a tribute to the 
commonsense action of the judges, and also to the general in- 
telligence of the parties in the suit, referees as well as contestants. 

At first the entire body of the XIX, representing the share 
holders of the West India Company, exercised control over this 
portion of their American ]:)ossessions. A few years later this 
control was delegated to the Chamber of Amsterdam, under the 
general supervision of the XIX. When, in 1646, the West 
India Company was so near bankrupt that it could not reimburse 
the Chamber of Amsterdam for its outlay in the equipment of 
Petrus Stuyvesant as Governor, or Director General, of Xew 
Netherland, the whole of Xew Xetherland became a colony of 
the Amsterdam Chamber. From this time on Xew Xetherland 
was subject to the undivided supervision and control of the 
Chamber of Amsterdam of the West India Company, and Xew 
X'etherland, and especially Xew Amsterdam, profited 1)\' thi> 
change. It is doubtful whether any of the European settlements 
of the period — except perhaps Cape Colony under the rule of the 
Dutch East India Company, its founder, — in any part of the 
globe received more direct material advantages through their 
connection with the mother land than did Xew X'etherland 
through its intimate relations with the association of merchants 
known as the Dutch West India Company. \Miile the connec- 
tion — as in Cape Colony — was political, it was at the same time 
economic, and, till the end of the Dutch rule millions were in- 
vested by the ruling bodies to render the country more pro- 
ductive. The English, in both instances, reaping the benefits. 

In later years a committee of two from among the members 
of the Amsterdam Chamber were usually charged with the super- 
vision and direction of X^ew Xetherland afi:'airs. Sometime.- 
they found terms to rebuke Stuyvesant and his Council for faulty 
or insufficient book-keeping; at other times they sharply criticised 
their judicial decisions or political enactments. Their general 

4G The New Netiierland Register 

instructions were always to be as conciliatory and liberal to the 
people of New Netherland as was consistent with the supreme 
authority vested by the charter, and the safeguarding of the 
millions of capital invested for the country's development by 
the West India Company and the Chamber of Amsterdam. 

Jt happened more than once that the Committee for New 
Netherland affairs gave contradictory orders and instructions, 
or contradictory explanations concerning former orders. In 
such instances it is amusing to read Stuyvesant's polite and 
quietly ironical way of calling their attention to similar incon- 
gruities. It gives one the impression of a chuckle accompanying 
every word in the letter, calling the Amsterdam gentlemen's at- 
tention to their error. In the meantime, while waiting for a 
reply, he would act as he and the Council deemed best. Morose, 
as most of his detractors attempt to portray him, there are 
glimpses of Stuyvesant's being possessed of a quiet vein of 
humor, without which it seems he would long ago have suc- 
cumbed to the exactions of his thankless and trying office. 

After the recovery of the South River territory, in Sep- 
tember, 1655, a Vice-Director was appointed for that distant 
section of the country, who, with the assistance of a Council, 
ruled there subject to the supervision and control of the Di- 
rector General and Council of New Netherland. Jean Paul 
Jacquet, who had served the West India Company well in Brazil, 
was, on November 29, 1655, commissioned as the first Vice- 
Director and Commander-in-Chief of the South River territory. 
He was, on July 30, 1658, succeeded by Willem Beekman, who 
was promoted to this responsible office after having satisfactorily 
filled several minor offices at New Amsterdam. 

When the City of Amsterdam had acquired the southern- 
most portion of the South River territory, it was governed by 
Jacob Alrichs, and, after his too early death, Alexander D'Hin- 
oyossa became Director of the City's colony there. Most of 
the political history during this period of divided authority con- 
sists of the recital of the differences and bickerings between the 
officials of the City and those of the W^est India Company. 
These did not cease until the cession of the entire South River 
territory to the City of Amsterdam in August, 1663. D'Hin- 
oyossa then became sole ruler of the entire South River territory, 
with Pieter Alrichs, a nephew of the late Director Alrichs, as 
one of his trusted lieutenants. As a reward for his able and 
faithful services at the South River, Willem Beekman was, on 

TiiK New Nethj-:ki. wu Ri:(;js'J"i:k 47 

July 4, 1664, appointed Commissary for the Esopiis, the first 
considerable office that was open after his retirement from the 
South River. 

Fort Orange was also imder the control of a \'ice-Director, 
who had his troubles with the authorities (;f the Colony of Rens- 
selaerswyck, and had to be a man of great tact and keen judg- 
ment. The ablest and most popular of Fort Orange's X'ice- 
Directors was Doctor Johannes De la Alontanye, who. while a 
member of the Council of New Netherland, had conferred upon 
hini the distinction of being appointed the earliest examiner in 
medicine in what is now the United States. 

Early Records and Documents 

Every year hundreds of thousands of dollar^ are bpent 
by wx^althy individuals and learned institutions in excavating ^ites 
of ancient communities, in order to be able to construct from 
the remains found there the histor}' of long past civilizations, only 
distantly related to our ow^n. Large amounts are paid for bits 
•of writing, hieroglyphics and other possible evidences, promis- 
ing to throw light on mooted (|uestions in ancient history, even 
as to the reign of an obscure ruler or other unimportant event 
in some lost nations' career. 

The city of Amsterdam — that jjroud mother of states — would 
gladly pay any amount in reason for authentic documentary 
evidence concerning its origin and earliest history, and other 
cities of renowni Avould cheerfully spend large sums in filling 
the gap between their founding and the ]3eriod when their 
authentic history begins. iVs it is with communities, so with 
nations. The historians of all civilized nations are forever delving 
into their own and other peoples' archives in their efforts to 
find reliable information regarding the beginnings of their na- 
tional life. 

The great city of New York, and each of the states carved 
from the province of New Netherland, are more fortunate in 
this respect, though the destruction of the West India Com- 
pany's records in Holland leaves many gaps, especially in regard 
to the history of their founding. Still, every once in a while very 
valuable new material is discovered, which tills many gaps and 
amplifies our knowledge of the early history of the white man 
in this section of the country, necessitating the rewriting of 
much historv. 

4S Tjih New Nethekland Register ' 


Viele — 1659-1909. Two hundred and fifty years with a Dutch Family 
of New York. — Compiled by Kathlyne Knickerbocker Viele. New 
York, Tobias A. Wright, 1909. 

This little volume of one hundred and forty-nine pages contains 
the genealogical record of the descendants of three brothers, Aern- 
hout, Cornelis and Pieter Viele, who settled in New Netherland about 
1659. The last surviving brother, Aernhout, died after 1704, having 
left a lasting impression upon this country's history. Cornelis and 
Pieter, though men of some local prominence and note, were over- 
shadowed by Aernout, who lived from fifteen to twenty years longer 
than either of his brothers. 

Aernhout Cornelissen Viele, the famous Indian interpreter, was 
one of New Netherland's most picturesque characters. Beginning 
life in this country as a fur trader, he ended it as the most trusted 
confidant of the Indians and the adviser of the government, possessor 
of large tracts of land, much of which had been given him by Indians 
as a reward for services rendered them, and in token of their friend- 
ship. "A fine type of the sturdy Dutch pioneers," he fully deserved 
the title of "faithful interpreter," applied to him, while his honesty 
and courage caused him to be held "in great esteem with the Indians." 
There were other noted Indian interpreters at Albany, such as Hend- 
rick Lansing, Jan Jansen Bleecker, Acus Van Slyck, Jan Dareth, but 
Aernout Viele seems to have had a special genius in that direction,, 
and in length of service he surpassed them all. He also possessed 
the diplomatic qualities which, united with the evident insight inta 
Indian character, rendered him so valuable a negotiator to New 
York's governors. 

The part of the book devoted to the recital of Aernhout's active- 
life, extending over half a century, presents a picture of some of the 
economic, social and political happenings of the day, in many of 
which Viele was a prominent factor, especially in regard to the 
efforts of the French and English to gain and retain Indian friend- 
ship. Captain Arent Schuyler's reference to him as "a brave man"" 
in connection with these negotiations was fully deserved. 

Being a partisan of Leisler, Viele was punished for his impru- 
dence, but he was too valuable a man to be long kept down. It' 
was again Captain Arent Schuyler who, in 1692, had the courage 
to put him forward as head of a confidential mission where there 
was need of "a brave man and one acquainted with the Indian, 

The Story of Aernhout Viele's activities till his probable deatli 
in 1704, exemplifies to a large degree "the difficult life of the early 
settlers with enemies and possible enemies on every side." 
There are some typographical errors and a few unimportant mistakes,, 
which are likely to occur in any compilation of this nature, but the 
work is conceived and executed with the broadness of mind which 
might be expected from a blood relative of the lamented author, of 
"The Last of the Knickerbockers." 

Telephone, 581 Cortlandt. 


Phone 2440 John 

Established 1870 

Diamond Setter 


71-73 Nassau St., Room 1201 


New York. 


Dealer in Precious and Imitation 

102-104 Fulton St., - - New York. 



Dutch Antiquities, 

19 E. 16th St., - - - New York. 



P. O. Box 198, Philadelphia, Pa. 
Makes a specialty of Penn- 

sylvania, New Jersey and Dela- 

ware Families. 

Telephone, 1379 Melrose. 

Decorative Glass, Rich Mitre Cut. 

A well-chosen picture of a 
Dutch town or locality for every 
day of the year. 

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New York City. 

The Calendar 


(Picturesque Netherland) 

Publisher — S. Bakker, Jz. 


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of the Norwalk Weekly Hour, 

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It is owing to the struggles, the labors, the savings ctf the past 
generations that we of the present day enjoy our more advanced 
social and ^economic conditions, and comparatively superior civil* 
ization« The pioneers o! New Netherland had a prominent share in 
bringing this about, and their history in this connection is worth 
preserving and knowing. 

Apart from this, New Netherland's history is as romantic, as 
picturesque as that of any of the other early American colonies. The 
great diversity of its people's pursuits assures variety of matter, 
the differences between the pioneer days and our own time are strik- 
ing enough to make their recital engrossing. 

Besides being a lively commercial town with comparatively large 
shipping interests of its own, New Amsterdam was also very early 
a port of general call, and the incidents, growing out of this, present 
material for many an entertaining tale. The experiences of the 
Indian traders, general merchants, privateersmen, bargemen, sailors, 
soldiers, farmers frontiersmen and others composing New Nether- 
land's widely scattered population make absorbing reading. 

The NEW NETHERLAND REGISTER, being devoted to New 
Netherland history and biography, presents the lives and times of 
these genuine empire builders in as clear a light as the accessible 
records and other available sources of information will permit. 

The NEW NETHERLAND REGISTER is issued monthly. The 
subscription is one dollar per year in advance; single copies 25 cents. 


At the Office of the New Netherland Register 



New Nethei^Iand 

Vol. 1. April and May» 1911 Nos. 4 and 5 



New Amsterdam Becomes New York 

Captain Hawkins at New Amsterdam 



The Hogeboom Family 

The Kaatsbaan Church Records 

Dutch Heraldry and Its Survival Among 

New Netherland Families 


History and Genealogy of the Vreeland Family by 

Nicholas Garrctson Vreeland 

Publisher and Editor 

99 Nassau Street NeV York, N, Y. 



New Netherland 

Vol. I April and May, 1911 Nos. 4 and 5 

New Amsterdam Becomes New York. 

On March 12 (22) 1664 Charles II of England had includevl 
the whole of New Netherland in a grant to his hrother James, 
Duke of York and Albany. In order to assist James to possess 
himself of the territory comprised in the grant, the English King 
permitted the Duke, who was high admiral of the English Xavw 
to utilise a squadron composed of four frigates. 

The squadron left Portsmouth in the middle of ]\Iay. It 
kept together for about eight weeks, when two of the ships, 
the Guinea commanded by Captain Hyde, and the Elias under 
command of Captain Hill, were — on different days — separated 
from the main body. The two ships which remained together 
arrived at Pascataway in the afternoon of July 20 (30) after a 
tedious voyage of ten weeks. They were soon after joined by 
the Guinea and the Elias. 

The Directors of the West India Company at Amsterdam 
had positive information of the purpose and destination of the 
four frigates some time during the month of June. But instead 
of immediately equiping a squadron which then would have 
been in time to save New Netherland, they contented themselves 
by mailing to Stuyvesant a letter dated June 24, 1664, in which 
they notified him of the designs of the English expedition, but 
sending no assistance. 

More than three weeks were passed in preparations anil 
in mobilizing auxiliaries in New England and on Long Island 
for the invasion of New Netherland. It was not until August 
24 that all preparations were finished and the" invading squadron 
was ready to set out upon its mission of virtual piracy. 

50 The New Netherland Register 

Meantime reports had been circulating in the City about the 
arrival of the frigates in New England. Consequently on Satur- 
day August 2^ Schout Tonneman had convoked a meeting of 
the City Council. As nothing definite could yet be done with- 
out the co-operation of the Council of New Netherland it was 
provisionally resolved to await further developmenJ;s, and to 
request the loan of twenty-five of the Company's Negroes, for 
the space of eight days, to assist in placing the town in a state 
of defence. 

On the following day, which was Sunday, positive informa- 
tion was received by the central government of the intent of the 
English armament, and although the day was passed in com- 
parative quiet the members of the council of New Netherland as 
well as those of New Amsterdam were notified to meet the next 
day at their usual meeting places. 

The result of the meeting of the Supreme Council was that 
the defences of the fort were immediately inspected, and a hundred 
pounds of gunpowder taken from the magazine for loading all of 
the twenty or more cannons mounted on the fort's ramparts. 

The City Council, which was more directly concerned with 
the defence of the town, resolved that one-third of the City's in- 
habitants was to labor every third day at the city's defences. 
Those not appearing were to be fined six guilders, or to put some 
one else in their place. An entire company of the city militia was 
immediately to be called out and to do guard duty at night, begin- 
ning at five o'clock the same afternoon. In order to save the 
grain, of which there was very little in town, the brewers, for the 
next week to come, were restricted in the quantity and quality of 
beer to be brewed by them, so as to keep the place as well pro- 
visioned as circumstances would permit. As last year's crop had 
been almost entirely exported to Holland and to Curasao, and the 
season's crop had not yet been all gathered and threshed, there 
was hardly grain enough to furnish the town with a week's supply 
of bread. The ten principal bakers only had in store nine hundred 
and seventy-five schepels (745 bushels) of grain, more than half 
of which (500 schepels) was owned by Jacob Teunissen De Kay. 
In view of this scarcity of breadstuffs Stuyvesant had the farmers 
and tenants at his Bouwery work almost night and day, harvest- 
ing and threshing, so as to have a sufficient supply on hand in 
case of an investment by the English invaders. 

The City fathers further petitioned the central government 

The New Netherland Register 51 

for the loan of eight more pieces of artillery and their equipment, 
^ besides the fourteen, mounted on the walls and on the redoubt 
Q_ near the city hall. Also for eleven hundred pounds of gunpowder 
^1 together with the necessary cannon balls, and for six hundred 
J pounds of lead for bullets. As they realized their weakness in 
regard to numbers, they closed the petition with the following 
^ request: ''And as your petitioners have resolved that a Company 
of Burghers shall keep guard every night, they request that the 
_^ same be strengthened immediately by soldiers and the Company's 
servants, and that the day watch shall be kept by soldiers at both 
gates, and in case of being besieged or attacked by those who seek 
to injure us that all the soldiers and Company's servants with the 
Burghery shall repair to this City's walls, it being considered that 
^j this place being lost the fort is not tenable or very little so; and 
if it happen that in skirmishing, any Burghers should require 
powder, they shall have free access to the Company to be furnish- 
ed there with powder; on which very fair and not less necessary 
request they await Your Honor's disposition." 

On the following day the "disposition" of the central author- 
^^^ ities was received at the city hall, and, as was to be expected, 
^ favorable in every particular. In view of the fort's necessities 
\only six additional cannons and a thousand pounds of gunpowder 
could be granted — or promised, besides the requested six hundred 
pounds of lead for bullets. One half of the garrison was im- 
mediately ordered out to watch and patrol with the Company of 
burgher militia during the night, while another portion of the 
military would mount guard at the City gates during the day 
time. In order to accelerate the work of strengthening the City's 
defences the City Council engaged all the soldiers not otherwise 
engaged and willing to be employed therein, at a stipulated daily 
wage. From August 26 till the afternoon of September 2 — when 
all work at the walls ceased — many soldiers labored with New 
Amsterdam's inhabitants at the city's defences, and their bill, at 
the surrender, amounted to about four hundred guilders. Perhaps 
for the purpose of viewing the situation one of the English 
frigates, the Guinea having on board Richard Nicolls, the chief 
of the expedition — on Tuesday August 26, entered the Bay of 
Sandy Hook, and cast anchor there. About the same time two 
or more English vessels — loaded, it was said, with ammimition 
and provisions — appeared at Hellgate, closing ingress and egress 
from that quarter. It is not impossible that these were the re^ 

52' The New Netherland Register 

maining detachment of the squadron having lost sight of the 
flagship and having taken a wrong course, entering Long Island 
Sound instead of the Lower Bay. 

Communication was immediately established by Nicolls with 
Gravesend and other English settlemients on Long Island. When 
it was learned from reports that there were no men of war at 
New Amsterdam, Nicolls forthwith began to scatter proclamations 
in English among the Dutch farmers of Long Island, forbidding 
them to assist, in any manner. New Netherland's capital, and 
promising them immunity from attack or plunder, and guarantee- 
ing them the same rights as other Englishmen, if they should 
submit to the authority of the crown of England. Some of these 
proclamations even found their way into New Amsterdam, but 
as long as the danger was still remote the people there did not 
seriously consider their contents, and assiduously continued set- 
ting up palisades and keeping watch with the soldiers. 

Stuyvesant at first actually thought of attacking the Guinea, 
and even sent for Captain Gilde of the Gideon, asking him if he 
was ready to offer battle to the English invader? Gilde replied 
that he was perfectly willing to sally forth provided he was 
furnished with the necessary ammunition — of which he had not 
much over six hundred pounds — and a sufficient number of 

. Of soldiers there was enough for this exploit, but there was 
great lack of ammunition. There were hardly nine hundred 
pounds of gunpowder in the magazine, not three hundred pounds 
of which was serviceable, not enough to last through half a day'* 
firing. There was about a like quantity in the city's magazine, 
not one half of which was even half good. 

If the Fort was to be denuded for the sake of supplying the 
Gideon what were they to do when the other frigates appeared, 
even should Gilde be victorious and rout or sink the lone invader ? 
Many other objections presented themselves, and. doubtless for 
these reasons — even against the advice of Secretary Van Ruyven 
— the scheme was abandoned. 

Knowing the outcome of the whole affair, we at this distant 
day might be inclined to reason : Why did not Stuyvesant carry 
out his bold scheme, and risk the possible loss of his gunpowder, 
which he did not use anyway, in an effort to avert the greater 
calamity? Gilde might have been victorious, thus possibly deter- 
ring the others from carrying out their project. At the worst the 
result would not have been much different from what it was. 

The New Netjierlanu IvECiisTER 53 

Be this as it may, Stuyvesant doubtless acted wisely under 
the circumstances. In the first place he did not know where the 
other frigates were or when they would appear. And in the 
second place Fort and City would be absolutely at the mercy of 
the invaclers not only from the sea side, but also at the mercy of 
the English from New England and Long Island from the land 
side, in case the flower of the soldiery and the major portion of 
the ammunition should have been lost in a vain attempt to repel 
the lone violator of New Netherland's liberty. No one at the 
time could foresee the course of affairs, and in view of the pre- 
cariousness of the situation and the fearful odds that were at any 
time expected to be hurled against them it was doubtless wisest 
neither to scatter their small force nor to risk the useless ex- 
penditure of their scanty means of defence. 

While the Englishman was skulking in the Lower Bay,- Claes 
Verbraeck happened to enter it with his sloop upon his return 
from the South River. Immediately he was set upon by a boats- 
crew from the Guinea. His sloop was boarded, and towed along- 
side the warship. After having been interrogated and detained 
for some time, Nicolls permitted him to proceed, and Verbraeck 
continued his interrupted voyage to the threatened town, where the 
story of his forcible detention probably induced Stuyvesant to 
consult Gilde about attacking the disturber. 

The day following, Thursday, August 28, the other frigates 
joined the Guinea, and together they sailed up the Bay. Arriving 
at the Bay of Nayack in the Narrows between New Utrecht and 
the block house on Staten Island's Eastern shore they cast anchor, 
awaiting further developments and lowering a number of boats 
to patrol the estuaries of the two rivers. 

The continually increasing population of the Colony of New 
Amstel and other Dutch settlements on the South River rendered 
it absolutely necessary to considerably increase the stock of cattle 
there, as well as to lay in a fresh supply of provisions. 

Consequently filling the sloop Princess with some of the 
merchandise recently sent over from Amsterdam in behalf of the 
South River settlements, Commissary Pieter Alrichs some time 
during the month of May set sail for New Amsterdam for the 
purpose of purchasing there the needed foodstuffs and the re- 
quired cattle. 

It is quite probable that the provisions, at the time, were 
purchaseable at New Amsterdam, but neither cows, oxen nor 

54 The New Netiierland Register 

sheep were to be had in New Netherland. On this account re- 
course was to be had to the Enghsh settlements where cattle and 
sheepraising, as well as horsebreeding, were followed on a very 
miuch larger scale than in the Dutch plantations. 

Alrichs or his agents consequently went to New England and 
Eastern Long Island scouring the country in quest of likely 
animals. Those procured had been sent to the enclosure at New 
Utrecht, where they were to be penned up until a sufficient 
number should have been brought together to be sent overland to 
the South River. 

It took Alrichs almost three months to gather his stock, and 
doubtless the reported arrival in New England of the English 
squadron hastened operations. Before the arrival here of the 
frigates a portion of the cattle had been transported from New 
Utrecht to Navesinck, where a temporary cattlepen had been 
erected under a guard of a few soldiers and South River farmers 
as protection against the Indians. 

Just when the English frigates came sailing up the Bay the 
Princess, with another cargo of cattle, was making the trip from 
New Utrecht to Navesinck. Immediately she was attacked by 
the English and taken possession of. Thereupon English boats- 
crews were sent to New Utrecht and Navesinck, where they also 
took forcible possession of all the cattle and stores belonging to 
Amsterdam's colony on the South River. 

As soon as the squadron had cast anchor in the Bay of 
Nayack they sent out boats to patrol the waters day and night, so 
that nothing worth robbing might escape them*. 

After the unfortunate loss of all his cattle, Alrichs resolved 
that he would try to save for the colony the sixty slaves, still re- 
maining at New Amsterdam, and who were to be employed at the 
South River in developing agriculture. Under cover of the dark- 
ness, during the night of August 30, he secretly embarked them 
in a sloop to be conveyed from New Amsterdam to Pavonia, 
whence they were to march by land to their destination. 

Doubtless the sloopmen did not observe the necessary silence 
and their presence on the river became known to the English 
patrols who immediately gave chase. The sloop succeeded in 
reaching the opposite bank before the English overtook her. Im- 
mediately the slaves were taken off and hidden in the woods, out 
of reach of the marauders. 

It would appear that before being permitted to take the boat 

The New Netherland Recjster 55 

a skirmish took place (luring which one of tlie soldiers of the 
convoy was wounded. Thereupon the empty vessel was taken by 
the English patrols, and her crew and guard conducted as prisoners 
to the squadron, which was yet riding at anclK^r in the liay of 

Either the same or the following day Isaack De Forest 
happened to arrive with his vessel from without. While passing 
the English pirates he does not seem to have heeded or under- 
stood their signals to heave to and was fired at with grape shot. 
He then shortened sail, was boarded by an English patrol, his 
yacht was taken, and thereupon he was made a prisoner with the 
rest of his crew. 

On August 31 De Forest was released with his vessel, and 
proceeded to New Amsterdam. One of his passengers to the 
City was the wounded soldier, taken prisoner during the night 
attack on the yacht, carrying across the North iviver Alrichs' 

Either then or at some other time during the English invest- 
ment by water the St. Jacob's Captain had occasion to send out a 
boat. Immediately she was chased by an English patrol, and 
when they could not overtake her, was fired at, but fortunately 
without result, and her crew escaped unhurt. 

Many more acts of violence were committed by the English 
invaders "too many to be here related", as stated by the Directors 
of the West India Company in their report about the occurrences 
to the States General at the Hague. 

While all these violations of New Netherland's territory had 
been going on, the authorities in the Fort had not been idle. 
Besides calling upon neighboring Dutch villages for every third 
man among them to come to the aid of the threatened cajjital. 
Stuyvesant on August 29 had written to the authorities of Fort 
Orange and of Beaverwyck for assistance in men and ammuni- 
tion, at the same time warning them not to send dosxn any 
peltries, which would only be stolen by the English. He also 
wrote to the military commander at Wildwyck in the Esopus to 
send down most of the garrisons stationed there and at the 
Rondout since the Indian massacre of June 7, 1663. I'efore the 
returning soldiers could reach Manhattan the English flag was 
already floating over the Fort. 

On the same August 29, at the request of the City govern- 
ment some commissioners were sent to the commanders- of the 
English squadron for the purpose of being definitely and offici- 

.56 The New Netherland Register 

ally informed of their intentions. Wending their way through 
the settlements of Brooklyn, Midwoud, Amersfoort and New 
Utrecht the commissioners reached the anchorage of the 
squadron in Nayack Bay. They were rowed to the Guinea 
where Nicolls told them that he had come to reduce New 
Netherland to the obedience of England. He further informed 
them that on the following day he would send a written answer 
to Stuyvesant's letter handed to him by one of the commissioners. 

It is not impossible that the three English envoys who on 
Sunday, August 31, were sent by Nicolls with his unsigned 
answer came in the sloop of Isack De Forest who had been re- 
leased from his imprisonment on the same day. As soon as 
the English envoys had set foot, on the City's wharf, near the 
Fort, fifty pounds of the Company's scanty gunpowder was ex- 
pended in extending to them an Ambassadorial salute. 

They handed Stuyvesant Nicolls' letter but as it bore no 
signature New Netherland's governor declined to consider it, 
and handing it back to the original bearer, requested the deputies 
to return with it for authentication. This they did. 

The letter was taken back, signed by Nicolls, and on the 
following Monday was redelivered to Stuyvesant, who prom- 
ised a reply to its demands. 

As soon as the Burgomasters learned of the receipt by 
Stuyvesant of the signed letter they repaired to the Council 
Chamber and demanded a copy to communicate it to the City's 
magistrates. This request was peremptorily refused. A little 
later a delegation from among the Burghers applied to the Council 
for either a copy or the letter itself. They also were refused. 
Though greatly disappointed by these refusals no popular de- 
monstration was yet set on foot that day, and everything went 
on as usual, the militia continuing to mount guard, the burghers 
and soldiers employed at the defences proceeding with their 

On the day following, Tuesday September 2, Stuyvesant 
returned his reply to Nicoll's letter. It filled several written 
pages, and absolutely demolished the flimsy English pretensions 
to a territory which had been discovered, explored, brought in 
map, and continually occupied by the Dutch at least ten years 
before the much vaunted Mayflower set sail for New England. 

As was to be expected, the letter did not make the least 
impression on Nicolls. He did not even deign it worthy of a 

The New Netherland Rijjistek 57 

written reply. After the Dutch commissaries had either read 
or translated its contents to him they were dismissed with the 
verbal notice by Nicolls that "he must and should take the place, 
refusing henceforth to permit any parleys, as he must execute 
his orders and commission, that he had offered terms by his 
letter; if these were not accepted he should be necessitated Uj 
attack the place by force." If they should let it come to that 
the English commander "declared himself innocent of the mis- 
chief and bloodshed," which were sure to follow, winding up his 
harangue with the assurance "that he should at the end of twice 
twentyfour hours, bring his force up nearer." 

It would yet seem that on the same day the six Xew England 
commissioners "whether sent by General Nicolls, or of their 
own motion or instructed by their principals" visited New 
Amsterdam for the sake of urging the authorities to surrender 
the fort and town before the clash of battle should direct the 
world's attention to the enormity of this fresh English outrage. 

At the same time one of the commissioners. Governor John 
Winthrop of Connecticut was the bearer of a letter to himself 
by Nicolls, the contents of which the Connecticut governor had 
either been permitted or — what is more probable — instructed to 
communicate to Stuyvesant and his advisers. This letter con- 
tained no threats, and reiterated the favorable terms upon which 
Nicolls was willing to consent to an unresisting surrender of the 

The six New England delegates approached the City in a 
rowboat, displaying a white flag. As soon as they had alighted 
at the City's pier in front of the public store, the Fort's cannon 
again belched forth an ambassadorial welcome, wasting fifty 
pounds of the Company's precious gunpowder. ]\I can while the 
delegates had been conducted to the nearest tavern. 

Stuyvesant in company with the members of the Council and 
the two Burgomasters immediately set out for the tavern, where 
the delegates were awaiting them. Here, after the usual cere- 
monies, the New Englanders lost no time in urging upon the 
New Amsterdam authorities the surrender of the practically 
defenceless town. In order to lend force to their arguments they 
threatened, if any resistance were offered, that they would assist 
the invading squadron with the united power of New England 
and the English portion of Long Island. Scott's outrages in the 
Dutch villages on Long Island during the early part of the year 

58 The New Netherland Register 

showed this to be no emipty threat, and also taught the people 
what they might expect should the brutal passions of his law- 
less followers be unbridled by actual warfare. 

Upon taking leave Winthrop handed to Stuyvesant Nicolls' 
letter to himself, and the New Englanders departed as they 
had come. Stuyvesant and his company immediately returned 
to the Council Chamber in the Fort to further discuss the 

After their return to the Council Chamber Stuyvesant 
broke the seal of the letter, and read it to the assembled Coun- 
cillors and Burgomasters. Thereupon the Burgomasters left 
and went to the City Hall, where the present members as well 
as all the former members of the city government had met in 
extraordinary session. Here the burgomasters communicated 
the verbal threats of Nicolls as well as his promises contained 
in the letter to Winthrop. 

The City Council thought they were entitled to a copy at 
least of the letter, and requested the Burgomasters to return 
to the Fort and procure such a copy. When the Burgomasters, 
upon their return, communicated the desire of the City Council 
they were, like the first time a few days ago, refused and ''de- 
parted greatly disgusted and dissatisfied." 

The arrival of the New England envoys and the message 
they had delivered could not remain hidden from the people. 
Knowing that the present and former members of the City 
Council had assembled in extraordinary session, a large con- 
course of people soon crowded the Council Chamber clamoring 
for information. Those unable to get inside gathered in front 
of the City Flail, anxiously discussing the situation. As usually 
happens in similar instances the wildest and most absurd rumors 
spread through the town, and also reached the men engaged in 
strengthening the walls. 

As by a preconcerted signal the work at the city defenses 
suddenly stopped, each burgher wending his way to the City 
hall. The few soldiers, employed at the City works,, perceiving 
the general strike of their civilian companions, then also quit 
work and marched to the fort, where they quickly spread the 
news of the popular gathering. 

After some discussion the gathered townsmen selected three 
of the principal burghers, not belonging to the City government, 
as their delegates to go to the Fort, and demand a copy of the 

Tjfe Ni:w Ni:tnerlanj> Rrc;isti:r 59 

letter, which, meantime, had been torn to pieces. The delegates 
went and presented to the Council the demand of the assembled 

Neither reasoning Ijy Stnyvcsant and his Council nor the 
exhibition of the pieces of the torn letter would satisfy the 
delegates. They even had recourse to threats, and Stuyvesant, 
by a resolution of the Council, was oljliged to accompany the 
delegates back to the City hall, for the purpose of quieting the 
throng, and inducing the men to return to work at the City's 

While Stuyvesant stood there reasoning with the excited 
populace, and vainly using his eloquence in an effort to make 
them disperse, he was continually interrupted with cries for the 
letter, and with assertions that it was impossible to defend the 
town. To render the situation even more difficult there were "the 
women and children crying and praying most urgently to parley 
with the said English." 

Perceiving his inability *to make any headway with the 
people, and even fearing that a mutiny might break out, Stuy- 
vesant retired to the Council chamber in the Fort. Here the 
Council awaited his return and he reported his experiences. 
As the people were substantially acquainted with the con.tents 
of Winthrop's letter the Council considered that nothing could 
be gained by keeping it from them any longer. Consequently 
it was resolved to join together the torn pieces, which was skill- 
fully done by Fiscal De Silla. Nicholas Bayard, the clerk of the 
Council, who understood English, made a copy, and probably 
also a translation of the letter, which was immediately handed 
to the Burgomasters. They had it read to the assembled burgh- 
ers in front of the City hall, when, as a result, the multitude 
slowly dispersed, and comparative quiet again reigned in town. 

The following day passed by without any untoward happen- 
ings, and excepting a thorough inspection of the Fort and the 
defenses, besides the continuous sessions of the Councils, the 
City showed no outward signs of unusual excitement. Still, 
several inhabitants, able to bear the expenses or having friends 
or relatives in the country, were taking the precaution of send- 
ing their families out of town. 

Early in the day, on Thursday September 4. the threatened 
move by Nicolls up the river began. Simultaneously the four 
frigates heaved anchor and leaving their anchorage 1n the Bay 

60 The New Netherland Register 

of Nayack proceeded in the direction of Nutten (Governor's) 
Island. Here two of them again cast anchor. The other two, 
under chief command of Captain Hyde, sailed up the East River, 
passing by the Fort, as well as the three Dutch ships, anchor- 
ing near the shore, not far from the City's pier and the Com- 
pany's warehouse. The English sc[uadron had, in every respect, 
the advantage over the D'utch, in men as well as in armament. 
A conservative estimate computed the number of Englishmen on 
board the fleet at a thousand at least. ''On board one of the 
frigates were about four hundred and fifty as well soldiers as 
seamen, and the others in proportion." 

The Guinea, the flagship of the fleet, carried thirtysix heavy 
guns; the Elias, which had on board the vice-admiral, was even 
more heavily armed, carrying fortytwo guns on deck and eight 
in the hold ; the William and Nicholas, which flew a rear-admiral's 
pennant, was armed with eighteen guns, while the fourth frigate, 
which served as a transport, numbered fourteen pieces. 

The Dutch ships, lying in the harbor, were merchantmen, 
with crews numbering together three score men at most. The 
larger of the three, the Gideon, was equipped with sixteen 
small iron guns, named gotelingen. The Eendracht (Concord) 
carried twelve guns of the same calibre, while the St. Jacob 
hardly had any armiament at all. The three together would have 
been no match even for the third largest of the English forces. 
From the ships in the harbor, therefore, no resistance was to 
be feared. 

While the two ships were passing the Fort in their course 
up the River, Stuyvesant was standing near one of the few 
twenty-four pounders, disconsolately viewing the progress of 
the English invaders. Spits, the gunner, though more than 
anyone else aware of the fact that the duel could not last half 
a day, had made every preparation, waiting for and expecting 
the order to fire. But he was ignorant of the resolution adopted 
at the last session of the Council not to open hostilities. Still, 
Stuyvesant in the rage which was consuming him at the viola- 
tion of New Netherland's territory, would have given orders 
to fire, regardless of consequences. 

Fortunately for the doomed town the two Megapolensis, 
father and son, were at either side of him, and their persuasions 
prevailed upon the aged hero to consider the fate of the people 
entrusted to his care. Doubtless also the wailings and lamenta- 

The New Netherland Register 61 

tions of the women and children, gathered at the water's edge 
near the Fort reached his ears. Why should he needlessly risk 
the lives and future of so many helpless beings? The city was 
doomed under any considerations, and the shedding of blood 
could not save it. This was not a mere question of a soldier's 
honor. Hundreds of other lives would be needlessly sacrificed. 
Consequently Stuyvesant desisted from giving the fatal or- 
der to fire. Reluctantly he permitted himself to be led away 
from the ramiparts, and the hostile ships passed the fort un- 
challenged. Uninterruptedly they sailed up the East River to 
the neighborhood of the Long Island side of the Brooklyn Ferry, 
where they landed five companies of soldiers. These were soon 
joined by John Scott with a company of horse and one of foot 
recruited from among the English on Long Island. If for no 
other reason, this fact alone would have been sufficient for the 
people of the Dutch villages to keep their men at home, instead 
of sending them across the water to the assistance of the capital, 
as requested. 

Leaving Fiscal De Silla with fifty men in the Fort, Stuy- 
vesant himself at the head of the remaining hundred men of 
the garrison had marched out. Following the onward course 
of the two frigates he desired to be on hand in case the English 
should land on the Manhattan side and commit depredations. 
As has been related before, they landed on the Long Island shore, 
and Stuyvesant's precautions, fortunately, were unnecessary. 
Had they decided otherwise the united military and militia could 
not have stopped them. There must have been at least six 
hundred English regulars, besides the auxiliaries and the sailors. 
Nor were these famished, as the Directors of the West India 
Company — in order to make out a case against Stuyvesant — 
asserted afterward. The stolen cattle alone were sufficient to 
keep them well fed and strong. 

As had been done ever since their first appearance in the 
Lower Bay, the English continued patrolling the rivers, and 
not a boat even was permitted to pass unchallenged. Seeing 
the danger fast closing in upon them, and knowing there was 
no possibility of escape or deliverance from the threatened des- 
truction in view of the ever growing odds against them, the 
Burgomasters prevailed upon Stuyvesant to send two commis- 
sioners to NicoUs to request a delay of hostilities with promises 
of further considering the situation. The commissioners were 

62 The New Netherland Register 

not molested in going and reached the Guinea unchallenged, it 
seems. After hearing their plea Nicolls gave one of them a 
letter to Captain Hyde, commanding him not to open hostilities 
until further orders, but forcibly to prevent the ships from leav- 
ing, should they try to escape. While taking this letter to the 
Brooklyn Ferry the commissioner's boat was chased and over- 
taken by the ever watchful English patrols on the river, but 
permitted to proceed after the commissioner had shown Nicolls' 
letter to Hyde. The other commissioner, upon returning to the 
city, was also chased by the English, but fast rowing saved his 
boat from capture. 

It is quite evident from Nicolls' tactics and the disposition 
of his ships and troops that he had no immediate intention of 
using extreme violence. He knew the city was at his mercy, 
and an effective blockade, cutting off New Amsterdam's com- 
munication with the outer world, preventing importations of 
foodstuffs, and holding up the commerce which was the city's 
life, would as certainly bring about a surrender as a victorious 
assault, or a ruinous bombardment. 

During the interval Stuyvesant and the Council were con- 
tinually urged by the inhabitants to surrender. Numbers of 
weeping women and children incessantly besought and implored 
their governor to have pity upon them and save them from the 
horrors of a bombardment and of an armed attack. Scores of 
the most influential and substantial citizens, in view of the 
absolutely defenceless state of the town, tried to prevail upon 
the government to treat with the invaders for terms. 

Stuyvesant, doubtless hoping against hope for help from 
without, refused almost till it might be too late. However, con- 
vinced of the impossibility of a successful defence, and that 
no assistance was to be expected, he at last succumbed to the 
arguments embodied in a petition submitted on Friday Sept- 
ember 5, by ninety-three of the City's principal Burghers, and 
on the same day yet the white flag was hoisted from the fort. 
Immediately preliminary arrangements for a surrender were 
arrived at, and six commissioners on each side were appoint- 
ed- to discuss and agree about the terms. 

Either the same day yet, or early the following morning, the 
commissioners, appointed by Nicolls, arrived in the City. Even 
in this dire disappointment Stuyvesant's customary courtesy did 
not forsake him. Hardly had the negotiators set foot upon 

The New Netiierland Register 63 

Manhattan's soil when the gunner was ordered to fire an ambas- 
sadorial sahite consuming fifty pounds of the same gunpowder 
which he much rather would have utilized in trying to sink the 
piratical fleet which had succeeded in reducing his stronghold. 

At eight o'clock in the morning of Saturday September 6, the 
six commissioners met at Stuyvesant's Bouwery for the purpose 
of agreeing upon the articles of surrender. They finished the 
work before the close of the day, and the English negotiators im- 
mediately returned to the fleet to obtain Nicolls' signature to the 
document. Nicolls ratified the articles without recommending or 
suggesting any changes, and the same was done by Stuyvesant in 
the morning of September 8. 

On Sunday September 7 no new move was taken, and the 
people of New Amsterdam went to church in the fort where the 
glorious tricolor of the Dutch Republic was to wave over them 
for the last time for many years to come. After the close of the 
services the people were warned by proclamation that the place 
had been surrendered to the English, and that from this day on 
their city was to be known as New York on the Island of 

The following day the ratification by Stuyvesant of the 
articles of capitulation took place in due form, and the garrison 
made ready to evacuate Fort Amsterdam which henceforth was 
to be known as Fort James. 

Tuesday September 9, 1664, dawned gloomily upon the sur- 
rendered fort and town. Most of the burghers felt ''sorrowful 
and desolate,.... poor, sorrowing and abandoned" at the pros- 
pect of the detested alien rule. The soldiers in the fort, on the 
other hand, were furious. They considered that their military 
honor had been sacrificed by the civil authorities, and that they 
would have been strong enough to ofifer a successful resistance if 
permitted to do so. 

At about nine o'clock in the morning the garrison assembled 
for the last time as an organization in the enclosure of the Fort, 
where the banner of the Dutch republic was soon to give way to 
an alien flag. Lined up in marching order, their knapsacks strap- 
ped to their backs, their loaded muskets over their shoulders, their 
sidearms buckled on, the drummers in front of their ranks, with 
colors flying and drums beating, they were to retire with full 
military honors. 

After the Dutch flag in the fort had been saluted for the 

64 The New Netherland Register 

last time, it was slowly lowered, the command was given, and 
reluctantly the gallant band, veterans of many wars, marched out 
of the Fort to the Gideon which was to return most of them to 
the Fatherland. Many a muttered oath, many a half audible 
imprecation, many a savage curse escaped the gallant men who 
would only have been too glad to have measured strength with the 
English despoilers. Many of them were given an opportunity 
less than two years later when, as the result of this spoiliation, 
one of the most sanguinary naval wars in history was fought, 
which, for a time, even shook Charles of England's throne, and 
covered the English with humiliation which has been surpassed 
only by the late South African contest. 

The five companies of English regulars, which had been pre- 
viously disembarked at the Long Island terminal of the Brooklyn 
Ferry, had been taken across to the Manhattan side where they 
had been provisionally quartered at Stuyvesant's Bouwery. 

Immediately after the Dutch troops had evacuated the Fort 
the English marched into the City. Leaving one company of 
troops at the two city gates they dropped, on their march to the 
Fort, a second company at the City hall and at the redoubt near 
it. The three remaining companies, amid the gloomy silence of 
the few burghers that had ventured out, thereupon took posses- 
sion of the stronghold. With only a brief interruption the flag 
of England waved over the fort and city for more than a century 
to come. Yet, though the domination was English, the influence, 
like the language, remained Dutch till long after the overthrow of 
the alien rule. And when the time was ripe the descendants of 
New Netherland's early settlers, with few. exceptions, cast their 
lot with the men who took the initiative in forcing out the foreign 
usurper, thus founding a Republic more illustrious by far than 
that little one on the Eastern shore of the North Sea, whose 
history and example, in many respects, had been an inspiration to 
the builders of these United States of America. 

Captain Hawkins at New Amsterdam. 

On June 26, 1655, Pieter Van der Linde, the official Inspector 
of Virginia tobacco, was requested by John Hawkins, a Virginia 
yacht captain, to inspect for him a few hogsheads of tobacco. 
Van der Linden examined two hogsheads, the contents of which 
he certified to be up to the standard. Upon the strength of the 

The New Netiierland Rec^ister 65 

inspector's certificate Hawkins, on June 30, liquidated with it a 
debt to Andries Hoppe, an enterprising New Amsterdam mer- 
chant. When Hoppe opened the hogsheads he found the tobacco 
to be defective. On August 23 Hoppe instituted proceechngs in 
the City Court to find out whom he couhl sue for damages, the 
Inspector or the seller. Meanwhile Hawkins departed with his 
vessel, and the case was permitted to rest till Hawkins' return on 
November 22, when Hoppe sued Van der Linde. The Court held 
that Van der Linde was not liable, and a week later the merchant 
sued Hawkins. In this instance the Court also denied Hoppe 
redress, ruling that he must keep the tobacco, because "when he 
received the tobacco he received it in payment as good, and 
before he accepted it could and might have examined and inspected 
it, to see if it were unsound." 

(Hoppe who had died before the end of 1658, through his 
three sons Wilhelmus, Hendrick and Matthys Adolf, became the 
ancestor of the numerous Hopper family, which for upwards of 
two centuries has been prominent in Northern New Jersey and 
parts of New York. The scholarly Hopper Striker Mott in Vol. 
39 of the N. Y. Gen, & Biogr. Record has a very interesting 
article on the founder of this Knickerbocker family.) 

On the same date, August 23, that Hoppe had instituted his 
first suit, one of Hawkins' sailors, Leendert Leenderts, commenced 
proceedings of a much more serious nature against the Virginia 

On a voyage from Virginia to Boston or New Amsterdam 
Hawkins had difficulties with his crew. While lying at anchor, 
somewhere, the Captain ordered Leenderts, who appears to have 
acted as mate, to make ready to leave, but the mate refused, 
stating that the sailors would not work. Thereupon at night time 
Hawkins dragged his mate on shore, leaving him on a desert 
beach, swarming with wolves and other savage beasts, without 
any protection or shelter, without any other clothes than the ones 
he happened to have on at the time. In short Hawkins had 
treated him "worse than any enemy ever was". The marooned 
sailor was in imminent danger of losing his life, but was evidently 
saved by some passing craft before either the wild animals or the 
deprivations of the situation had had time to kill him, 

Leenderts appears to have been taken to Boston where the 
recital of his experiences 'on the lonely beach excited pity and 
induced some people to take up his case. Consequently, without 

^6 The New Netherland Register 

having been authorized to do so by Leenderts as he stated, some 
one swore out a warrant against Hawkins who upon his arrival 
at Boston was arrested by the Marshall, nominally it seems for de- 
taining Leendert's clothes. Hawkins upon entering bail to the 
amount of thirty pounds sterling was permitted to proceed on his 
voyage to New Amsterdam, where Leenderts had preceeded him. 

Here Hawkins' late mate not only sued for the restitution of 
his clothes, but also requested the Court to ''be pleased to punish 
defendent as he deserves" for abandoning him on the lonely and 
dangerous coast. Hawkins answered ''that he set the plaintiff on 
shore, but at a proper place, because he was instigating his crew 
to mutiny". As it was shown that the case was before the Boston 
Court, the New Amsterdam Magistrates provisionally declined to 
act in the matter, and permitted Hawkins to leave after depositing 
proper security in connection with Leendert's demand for his 

On September i following, the case was satisfactorily settled 
out of Court. Hawkins was to pay thirty guilders for the de- 
tained clothes while Leenderts declared "never to have commis- 
sioned anybody either at Boston or anywhere else to trouble said 
Hagins in regard to said goods". Still, Leenderts promised to 
indemnify Hawkins "in case any damage should be caused to him 
on account of the matter". As a sailor's life in those days often 
was nothing but a succession of unpleasant incidents and dangers, 
it is quite probable that Leenderts had forgotten all about the 
horrors of his stay with the wild animals on the lonely beach, 
and under the forgiving influence of Hawkins' generous treat- 
ment at the time of the agreement had resolved not to press his 
suit for the captain's punishment "as he deserves". At least the 
case was not re-introduced before the New Amsterdam Court. 

At about the same time during June, 1655, that Llawkins 
delivered to Hoppe his unsound tobacco, another New Amster- 
dam merchant Pieter La Fevre, had sued out an attachment 
against Hawkins' bark. Notwithstanding this Hawkins had de- 
parted with his vessel, and when, on September 6, the Englishman 
was back again. La Fevre again attached the ship, which attach- 
ment was declared valid by the Court. It transpired on Septem- 
ber 13, that Hawkins had employed La Fevre as his broker, in 
trying to sell part of Hawkins' cargo of tobacco. For many 
days La Fevre had been busy workirtg hard to dispose of the 
tobacco, in which he had succeeded at last. His commission at 

The New Netiierland Register 67 

four percent and charges for storage of the goods would amount 
to eighty-eight guilders and live stivers. Notwithstanding the 
fact that they had made an informal agreement, and that La hevre 
had actually sold as well as stored the merchanrlise, Hawkins 
denied having employed him as his broker. Mainly through the 
testimony of Johan Withart, another reputable merchant, it was 
shown that Hawkins had actually made use of La Fevre as his 
broker, though they did not stipulate any commission. In view 
of this the Court deemed forty-five guilders a sufficient remunera- 
tion, which Hawkins doubtless paid, as nothing more is said 
about the case. 

On the same date Hawkins succeeded in having declared 
invalid an attachment on some goods of his by Pieter Van der 
Linde, at the house of Tennis Cray, but prior to this he had a 
legal bout with Jacob Van Couwenhoven (an ancestor of the 
Conover family), the brewer, which, however, was to be decided 
not in the Court room but in the brewery. 

On July I, 1655, Van Couwenhoven had issued to Hawkins a 
promissory note to the amount of eleven hundred and fifty 
guilders payable in beer and distilled liquors. When Hawkins 
called for the final pay. Van Couwenhoven tendered him a brew 
of beer which Hawkins declared to be ''not fit to be removed". 
Couwenhoven said the beer was good and would brew no other. 
On September 13 Hawkins brought the case before the Court 
where Couwenhoven also appeared and instead of lugging with 
him a sample, he invited the Magistrates "to be pleased to test 
the same after adjournment of the session and then decide". 
This invitation was accepted. In order not to infringe the dignity 
of the Court or violate the judicial usages the case was continued 
and after hearing both parties Couwenhoven was condemned to 
pay the balance as per obligation. This was merely a formality, 
as the payment, according to both contestants, had been tendered. 
The point in dispute was its quality. 

That day many important and intricate cases were on the 
calendar and it was doubtless late when the Court adjourned. 
Schout Van Tienhoven, a connoisseur in the matter of beverages, 
unfortunately was absent, and the Court would have to forego 
his valuable advice. Schepen Jan Vinge — the first white person 
born in this country north of Virginia — had been half an hour 
late, but in time to hear the case. And after adjournment the 
entire court, doubtless attired in their robes of office, set out in 

68 Tiii<; New Netii airland REciSTiiiR 

procession to taste and test Van Couwenhoven's beer, according 
to promise. 

The two burgomasters, the scholarly Allard Anthony and the 
alert Oloff Stevensen Van Cortland opened the procession. They 
were closely followed by the unassuming but able president of 
the Schepens Johannes Nevius walking alongside the aristocratic 
Johannes De Peyster, the worthy scion of a long line of 
distinguished old world ancestors. Immediately behind them 
came Schepen Johannes Verbrugge, one of New Amsterdam's 
oldest and most enterprising merchants, probably discussing the 
cases of the day with his fellow schepen the sage Jacob Strycker. 
Jan Vinge, not much educated but stalwart, and doubtless un- 
ostentatiously proud of being the only son of the soil among this 
distinguished company, closed the procession with Secretary Jacob 
Kip, who if not entitled to test or vote in the matter, would be 
much in demand to record their sober judgment, which he did. 
Claes Van Elsland, the dignified Court messenger, hovered near 
armed with his sword and carrying his ever present cane, while 
on his chest, suspended by a silver chain hanging from his neck, 
rested the City's coat of arms. He doubtless attended them, not 
so much for the purpose of protecting the Magistrates as to 
emphasize the fact that they were out on official business, which 
would be indicated by his wearing the city arms. 

At the brewery they were welcomed by Jacob Couwenhoven 
who after some ceremony had one of the men fill the bumpers 
from the casks in dispute. And the beer pleased the palate of the 
judges, at least two of whom — Van Cortland and Vinge — were 
themselves brewers. After critically emptying the glasses, and 
casting inquiring glances at the manufacturing experts "the beer 
— was pronounced good". Hawkins who had been present at the 
test and doubtless had also been invited to sample the beverage, 
"was therefore ordered to receive the same". 

Hawkins departed soon after and is not heard of any more 
till November 22 when, being again about to leave, he sued Jan 
Gerardy to vacate an attachment on him which would prevent his 
speedy departure. As Gerardy was not in Court to defend his 
action the attachment was declared invalid, though Hawkins did 
not depart until after November 29, wdien he had come out 
victorious in the legal battle with Hoppe about the unsound 

Nothing is heard of Hawkins for the next six months, but 

The Nrw Netiierland Register GO 

that he was still regularly plying between New Amsterdam and 
Virginia is evident from a statement made in Court on May 22, 
1656, by Cornelis Jansen Coele, who was sued by Francis Fyn 
for payment of a debt. Coele said that he was prevented from 
discharging the debt because he had not yet received payment 
for a parcel of goods sold by him in Virginia. He was expecting 
the returns by John Hawkins and as soon as they should arrive 
Coele would settle the debt Fyn was sueing him for. 

For nearly seven years thereafter Hawkins' name is absent 
from the Court records. Then on February 13, 1663, he suddenly 
appears again, as a witness in a suit by Schout Tonneman against 
William Hatkes (Atkins?). It was chiefly owing to Hawkins' 
testimony that Hatkes or Atkins, a poor sailor, escaped punish- 
ment on account of what appears to have been a trumped up 
charge against him by his captain Samuel Leeck or Lake, who 
had threatened to get even with the sailor owing to some trouble 
they had in Virginia. 

Three weeks later, on March 6, Hawkins was still in town, 
when he was sued by Burger Jorissen, New Amsterdam's oldest 
blacksmith, for restitution of, or payment for, a kedge anchor 
he had bought of parties who had not paid for it to the maker. 
Burger Jorissen. Flawkins settled for the anchor with Jorissen 
but on the same day instituted proceedings against the parties 
who sold it to him. As the case was not prosecuted it is quite 
probable that it was adjusted out of Court. 

Again Captain Hawkins went on a trading voyage, and when 
he had returned he was, on June 12, 1663, together with Paulus 
Vander Grift, Claas Visser and Thomas Wandell appointed 
arbitrator in an important suit which had recently been brought 
before the City Court. Just a week later, together with Cornelis 
Steenwyck he attached James Mills' bark The Supply for a heavy 
debt. As it was shown at a subsequent session of the Court that 
the Supply did no longer belong to Mills but that he had disposed 
of her to one William Thomassen or Thompson the attachment 
was provisionally vacated, and the vessel was permitted to leave 
after security had been given by her new master. 

For nearly a year thereafter Hawkins kept very quiet. It 
was not until May 27, 1664, that he again made his appearance 
before the Court, in the first of several minor legal tilts he had 
against Jeremy Weatherly, which caused so much bad blood 
V^etween them that Hawkins went so far as to call Weatherly a 

70 The New Netherland Register 

rogue. In the interim, and just before he must have left for 
Virginia, Hawkins in company with Thomas Wells, sued one 
Raymond Staplefort for the delivery of an anchor and rope. 

Very soon thereafter Hawkins appears to have left for 
Virginia where he must have collected some proof in connection 
with one of his statements regarding Weatherly. On September 
1 6 he was back again at Manhattan, producing proof that 
Weatherly had agreed with one Captain Cook to haul on board his 
vessel tobacco for half a crown per hogshead, as Hawkins had 
stated at the time, July i, that he would do inside of three 
months. This ended the long drawn out controversy between 

It would seem that Captain Hawkins subsequently took up 
his residence at Manhattan, for on July 25, 1665, he was a 
member of a Jury impaneled to decide a suit between AUard 
Anthony and George Walker, On March 3, 1668, Hawkins had 
Anthony before the Court for payment of a debt which was due 
to the Captain by Peter Tallman, and on account of which 
Hawkins appears to have summoned Tallman more than eight 
months previously. Anthony was ordered to satisfy Tallman's 
debt on condition that Mrs. Hawkins should assign to Anthony 
"Certaine Bill she hath in hur hands from the said Taelman to 
Ely Douty." Thereafter the litigious Captain appears to have 
ended his days in peace, and neither to have troubled, nor to 
have been troubled by, any more opponents. 

The Hogeboom Family. 

By William Becker Van Alstyne, M.D. 
The name Hogeboom is derived from the Dutch words 
"hoog" meaning high and ''boom" meaning tree, high tree, a name 
indicating height or a local name. In 1372 "S. Maes van Hoec- 
bomme" is mentioned in the archives of Holland and the use of 
"van" meaning from indicates a name of local origin. We find 
early traces of the family at The Hague, Heiloo, Haarlem, 
Benscop, Nieuwenierop and Amsterdam. Occasionally in this 
country, one meets with the signature of Cornells Hoogeboom, 
lawyer and notary at the Singel in Amsterdam, who was born in 
1625 and buried Sept. i, 1684, son of Jan Cornelisz Hoogeboom 

The New Netiieuland Re(jistek 71 

of Nienwenierop, notary at Amsterdam, and (jrietge Laurens 
Wittebol. He married Aug. 31, 1659 Christina Geelvinek, born 
1627 and buried Dec. 17, 1699 without issue. 

At the present time, the name Hogeboom exists on the islands 
of Southern Holland and at Makkum in Frieslanrl, a town noted 
for its manufacture of tiles. It is possible that Cornelis Pietersen 
Hoogeboom, the tile and brick maker of New Amsterdam and 
Kingston, was a native of that place. In this country the name 
first appears under the form of Hoogeboom or Hoogenboom 
which later became contracted to Hogeboom, its present form. 

Cornelis Pietersen Ploogeboom and Mees Pietersen Hooge- 
boom were the first representatives of the family in New Nether- 
land. In 1662, Jan Pietersze and Maria Ploogeboom joined the 
church at Brooklyn with letters from the town of Bunnick in 
Plolland. It was a peculiarity of some of the early ministers or 
church clerks, in the case of husband and wife, to write the hus- 
band's name with its patronymic and his family name following 
his wife's given name. If this is true here, Jan Pietersze may 
have been a Hoogeboom and a brother of Cornelis and Alees. 
Cornelis Pietersen Ploogeboom first appears at Fort Orange 
(Albany) where on Oct. 17, 1656 Juriaen the glazier (Juriaen 
Teunisse Tappan) was brought to trial for assaulting and wound- 
ing him. On Sept. ist. of the following year, Jacob Alrichs wrote 
Director Stuyvesant requesting that Cornelis Hoogeboom, brick- 
maker, may be allowed to bring his son to New Amstel from Fort 
Orange. Building supplies were needed on the Delaware and this 
request was followed by others asking for cargoes of brick and 
boards, but it was not until May 1659 that tile and brick kilns 
were established at New Amstel. Hoogeboom was still at Fort 
Orange in 1658 and we find no further reference to his son who 
probably went to the Delaware and died during the "great 
mortality" of 1659. Cornelis (Kees) Ploogeboom meanwhile, on 
16 July 1658, sued Mrs. de Plulter for the amount of his bill for 
clothes due Jacob Tyssen (Van Der Heyden), tailor, which he 
alleged she promised to pay. Defendant denied it and received 

In 1659 or earlier, Ploogeboom had formed a partnership 
with Jan Andriessen De Graef for the manufacture of brick at 
New Amsterdam, De Graef three years later selling l^is interest 
to Lou wrens Van Maeslantssluys (\^an Slys). Hoogeboom's 
success was important because it rendered Manhattan independent 

^^ The New Netherland Register 

of the brick supply from the neighboring places and the mother 
country. On Feb. 2, 1661, he gave Pieter Adriaense (Macklick 
or Soogemackelyck alias Van Woggelum), tavern keeper at 
Beverwyck (Albany), a bond for 232 guilders in beavers and 723 
guilders in seewan due for board and lodgings. He last appears 
at New Amsterdam in March 1663. 

Cornelis Hoogeboom returned to Albany and on Jany. 21, 
1664 agreed with Gerrit Van Slichtenhorst to serve at the tile 
kiln from Jany. until Nov. next or as long as the weather permits 
for 60 beavers and board. A year later on Jany. 20th, he appears 
at Wildwyck (Kingston) where he requests that he may be 
granted a lot opposite the milldam for a brickyard. From time to 
time Hoogeboom added to his land. On May 2, 1671, possibly 
about the time of his second marriage, he again petitioned for a 
lot on which to build a house across the dam near his brickyard 
''because it is convenient there". On Dec. 26, 1677, Sheriff 
George Hall conveyed to Hoogeboom a house and lot in the 
village; on April 30, 1679 Jan Gerritsen sold him land situated 
across the great bridge, on Feby. 6, 1681 the same man trans- 
ferred to him the two-thirds portion of a lot of land and on April 
20, 1683 Hendrick Van Wey deeded him ''the just remaining two 
portions of a lot of land" situated across the great bridge, namely 
Lot 2. To William Fisher, Floogeboom conveyed on Oct. 20, 
1679 one-third share in a parcel of land and on Feb. 2, 1682 two 
morgens of land. 

Hoogeboom aside from his land-holdings also owned slaves 
for on Oct. 3, 1681 he sold Frederick Flussey a negro named 
"Pumpkin" for 300 schepels of wheat. That he was a man of 
education is shown by the fact that on Oct. 26, 1668 he asked 
permission "to keep evening school" and on Oct. 23, 1671 he 
again requested to be appointed schoolmaster and to have the 
village house and lot rent free for the time of two years. The 
tile and brick maker had become a teacher and finally in 1674 he 
was nominated for schepen (magistrate). 

Cornelis Pietersen Hoogeboom married second, Annetie 
Cornelise Slecht (Sleight), daughter of Cornelis Barentsen Slecht 
and Tryntje Tysse Bos from Woerden, in the Province of South 
Holland. Of his first marriage and the birth or baptism of his 
son we have no record. 

On Aug. 17, 1676, Cornelis and Annetie Hoogeboom made a 
testamentary disposition recorded at Kingston in which they name 

The New Netiierland RE(ii.STER 7.^ 

the eldest son (Pieter) of his brother and Jannetie Jansen Kiinst, 
daughter of Jacomyntie, Annctie's sister. Widow Hoogeboom 
made a separate will May 4, 1719, proved Sept. 17, 1719, in which 
she mentions Hillctjc, wife of Capt. Gerrit Wyncoop and Roelof 
and Cornelius Elting, the children of her sister Jacomyntie and 
Annetje daughter of Capt. Gerrit Wyncoop. 

On Sept. 15, 1719, Peter Hoogeboom, Roelof Elting, 
Cornelius Elting, Thomas Noxon and Jacobus Brown petitioned 
for a survey of the Great Vly in the corporation of Kingston, in- 
herited by them from Cornelis Hoogeboom, Anita his wife and 
Severyn Tenhout, all late of Ulster County. 

Ijartholomeus (Mees or Meusj Pietersen Hoogeboom, unlike 
his brother the tile and brick maker, was a trader and operator of 
a vessel on the Hudson. He first appears in this country in con- 
nection with two court cases in 1657. On March 20th, the sheriff 
at Albany called Meuwis Hoogeboom, Gysbert Van Loon ( \'an 
Loan) and others to account for playing at golf on the public 
prayer day. The case was put over but as there is no later 
reference to fine or punishment the officer probably dismissed 
them with a warning. The incident is important as showing at 
what an early time golf was played in this country by the Dutch. 
On July 22nd. of the same year, Jacob Loockermans drew his 
knife, and wounded Mees Hoogeboom, knecht (helper, servant or 
companion) of Claese Hendrickse (Van L^trecht alias A'an 
Schoonhoven) for which the assailant was sentenced to pay 350 
guilders. Again he appears in a court case of Sept. 3-13, 1668 
when Jan Gerritsen Van Marcken, Schout of Schenectady fined 
Meeuwes Petersen for working on Sunday. 

During the interval from 1657 to 1674, Mees Hoogeboom 
had advanced from a helper to a freighter with a vessel of his 
own. Thomas Lewis (Thomas the Irishman) demands of him 49 
schepels of wheat and i good merchantable beaver, also by agree- 
ment Oct. 10, 1674 for 250 beavers and 3 beavers on account for 
a certain sloop or vessel sold him by said Lewis. On Aug. 6, 
1677, Hoogeboom, promised to carry in freight and lumber for 
Mr. de Lavall during the whole summer. Claes \'an Patten sold 
him on Jany. 21, 1678-79, one-half of the yacht "Royal Oak" now 
lying in Steevens Kil and on Aug. 6, 1679 the remaining half. 

In 1680 the Labadist brothers, Jasper Dankers and Peter Sluy- 
ter, while traveling through the country in search of an eligible 
site for a colony for their sect left in their diary this account of 

74 The New Netiierland Register 

skipper Hoogeboom. "On April 15th. we went in search of a boat 
to go to Albany and fonnd one ready to leave immediately. The 
name of the skipper was Mens Hoogeboom, to whom we agreed 
to pay, for the passage up and down, one beaver, that is 25 
guilders in seewan, for each of us and find ourselves. We gave 
him our names to have them inserted in the passport. On April 
I7lh, we went to inquire whether the boat was going up the river 
today, but it could not be got ready. We left New York about 
three o'clock in the afternoon of the 19th, and at noon of the 22nd, 
anchored at Fort Orange. We first thought of taking lodgings 
with our skipper, but had been warned that his house was un- 
regulated and poorly kept; we were therefore entertained by Mr. 
Robert Sanders." On their return trip they write under date 
April 26th : "as soon as we arrived in Albany we went to our 
skipper Mens Hoogeboom, to inquire when he was going to the 
city. He said tomorrow, but he would come and notify us of the 
time. We saw it would run on a much longer time, as it usually 
does in these parts." It was not until four days later that the 
Labadists were able to leave for New York. 

On April i, 1684, Mees was ordered to move his yacht from' 
the city stockade and on May 6th. he was arrested for contempt 
of court for not obeying the order. A month later, on June 30th. 
Hendrick Abelsen (Reddenhausen) and Nanning Harmensen 
(Visscher) bought from Hoogeboom a yacht called "The Royal 
Oak", Abelsen's share being sold on Sept. loth. to Harmensen. 

Not only did Mees convey freight and passengers, but also 
carried on a trade with the Indians and the usual close competition 
of that occupation brought his name like many others into court. 
In 1677 Sheriff Michael Siston complained that the daughters of 
Mens Hoogeboom were illegally soliciting Indian trade. Two 
years later, in March 1679-80, Sheriff Richard Pretty called the 
trader to account for allowing his children to run to the Indian 
houses on the hill and in 1681 accused him of smuggling beavers. 
Again on Aug. 4, 1685, Arnout Cornelissen Viele charged 
Ariaentje and Geertruy, the daughters of Mees Hoogeboom, with 
illegally' trading with the Indians. As no punishment is recorded 
for these alleged misdemeanors, the complaints doubtless resulted 
from jealousy on the part of the other traders. 

Aside from trading and freighting, Hoogeboom was also a 
carpenter. On Feby. 13, 1683-84, the shoemakers had tan yards 
near the Kill and Mens Hoogeboom was ordered to build a 

The New Netiierland Recjistiir T/i 

bridge according to the warrant given Jeronimns Wendell and 
Symon Schermerhorn, said Jeronimns having reported that Symon 
Schermerhorn and Isaac Verplanck refuse to help make the 

Like his brother Cornelis, Mees owned slaves and in 1685 
was fined 12 shillings and costs of court for burying his negro in 
a private and suspicious manner. The case was evidently not the 
outcome of violence or the punishment would have been severer. 

In 1685 Mees Hoogeboom was paying house rent to Frederick 
Ellis but on Feb. 7, 1693-4 Jan Martensen de Wever (Van 
Aelsteyn) conveyed to Mees Hoogeboom for £15 property 
described as being without the north gate, bounded west by the 
street to Rensselaer's mill, north the creek, east by the Marselis 
(Marsellus) property and south by the road to the river. 

It is known that Hoogeboom traded with the Indians at 
Flalf Moon (Waterford) and some time i)rior to 1700 settled 
there. On Oet. 4, 1700, the man whom we have seen begin life as 
a "knecht" or helper and later become a trader and an owner of 
a freighting vessel on the Hudson was elected to the office of 
assessor for the Half Moon. 

The family name of Mees Pietersen's wife is not given but 
in 1683 both he and his wife Catryn, as well as their daughters 
Ariaantje and Geertruy were enrolled as members of the Dutch 
Reformed Church at Albany. Fle died Feb. 15, 1702 and his 
wife in 1707. They left six children (a child having died in 
1682), three daughters and three sons: Ariaantje who married 
first Jean Span and second Adrianus Van Streyden, Geertruy 
who married Thomas Noxon, Antje who married Henry Possi, 
Pieter Meese who married Jannetje Aluller, Dirk who married 
Maria Delmont and Bartholomeus baptised Dec. 30, 1683 at^ 
Albany who married Sarah Pekok. 

The Kaatsbaan Church Records. 

Olde Ulster published for the last seven years by ]\Ir. 
Benjamin Myer Brink at Kingston, N. Y., has been of great 
value to the earlier and later history and genealogy of the 
pioneer families of Ulster and neighboring counties. ]\Iany 
a most interesting bit of history or genealogy has. been pre- 
served through its pages, some important old records and 
valuable documents have been reproduced between its covers, 

76 The New Netiierland Register 

Many of these documents are valuable not only for the history 
of Ulster County but for that of the State and Nation. 
Occasional interesting illustrations enhance the value of the 
reading matter. 

Mr. Brink recently enlarged the scope of the magazine, 
and without omitting much of the literary and historical 
matter appearing in its 32 monthly pages, has devoted con- 
siderable space to the publication of the Baptismal Records 
of the Church of Kaatsbaan (tennis-court), which go back 
to 1 730. Beginning with the May number these records will 
run through very many of the monthly issues of Olde Ulster. 

Kaatsbaan, where Palatine and Knickerbocker lived, 
worked and worshiped together in harmony, was one of Ulster 
County's most prosperous pre-Revolutionary settlements, and 
the descendants of its early settlers in the course of years 
scattered all over the State and country. It is evident there- 
fore that the publication of these records is of great value 
to genealogists, and Olde Ulster is entitled to much credit 
and to generous support in this enterprise, which entails 
additional expense. 

Mr. Walter K. Griffin who, though Dutch neither by 
descent nor marriage, but actuated solely by the fascination 
of the pursuit of New Netherland genealogy, is assisting 
Mr. Brink in the publication of the record, has furnished 
the Register with a list of the most numerous names in this 
Kaatsbaan record. They are as follows: Becker, Brando, 
Brink, Burhans, Decker, De Witt, Du Bois, Emerick, Falk, 
Falkenburg, Fiero, Hommel, Holtzappel, Kiersted, Kilmer, 
Knickerbocker, Langedyk, Loucks, Meyer, Moor, Osterhout, 
Ostrander, Overbach, Persen, Ploeg, Post, Ranch (Rowe), 
Sauser, Schermerhorn, vSchoonmaker, Snyder, Ten Broeck, 
Tromboor, Van Allen, Van Bergen, Van Deusen,. Van Dyck, 
Van Etten, Van Norden, Van Orden, Van Vechten, Van 
Wormer, Winne, W^ulvin, Wynkoop. 

The above list contains but a small percentage of the 
names occurring in this Kaatsbaan record, but is sufficient 
to convey an idea of its importance. 

Tiii>: Xi-:w Xktiikrland Register 77 

Dutch Heraldry and its Survival Among New Nether- 
land Families. 

Chapter I. — Dutch Heraldry in its relations to the rest ot 
the Teutonic Heraldry and the relation (A this to other 
Heraldic Units. From the earliest times to tlie Crus- 

Cha])ter H. — Dutch Heraldry in its relation to other west- 
Euro])ean, especially to English Heraldry, during- the 
Middle Ages. 

Chapter HI. — Dutch Heraldry during the Dutch Republic. 

Chapter IV. — New Netherland Families and their Right to 
bear Arms. 
By L. P. de Boer, M.A. Yale, LL.B. Leyden. 

1. It has always been necessary in. growing human com- 
munities to distinguish certain groups and certain persons of 
each group from each other. The most natural, and, among 
most nations, the only division was based on blood relation- 
ship, and the distinguishing mark has in every case been 
either an audible or a visible sign, a spoken or written name 
or a figure. 

Just as all tribes growing up from mental infancy have 
evolved a certain similar set of tales and songs which have 
led to literature, or of personified abstracts which led to 
religion,' so each of them separately has at the due time 
developed a system of figurative distinction. Ciradually, this 
became governed by conventional laws, and was mutually 
agreed upon for the sake of good order and usefulness. 

It would be vain to seek any other common origin for 
these, distinguishing marks, than the general human need to 
distinguish and to classify, whether by Assyrians, Hebrews, 
Arabs, Egyptians, Hindoos, Greeks, Romans, Red Indians, 
Celts or Teutons. 

Our modern heraldry is the fragmentary remnant of one 
of these well regulated distinguishing systems, namely, of 
that of the Teutons. 

The Teutons, the common ancestors of the Scandinavians 
and the Germanic (High and Nether-Dutch) nations, the last 
of which includes now the main part of the population of 
Lower Germany, Holland, Flanders, the northwest part of 

78 The New Netherland Register 

France, England, Low-Scotland, North America and South 
Africa, have been a most intellectual race from the earliest 
known times. 

Where less intellectual, more mystic or sentimental races 
needed visible distinguishing signs, the v^^ord, the name was 
a sufficiently distinctive mark for the strong minded Teutons. 
So, while a pictorial system was restricted to use in war, a 
heraldic name-system was used for domestic purposes. Each 
person had one name only, consisting of two adherable and 
separable parts. Some of these parts could appear according 
to their meaning only as suffixes ; some only as prefixes ; 
others could fulfil both functions. No sufficient material has 
yet been collected to accertain all the rules governing this 
system, but a few examples will illustrate its principle. 

Sigemar, the son of Ottomar (Wilfried's son) and Sig- 
linde, had as wife Hildeburg, daughter of YiWdtbrand, (Aid- 
helm's son), and Wigeborg. Their sons would be called 
SigehY2ind, Aldemar, Otfried, Wilhelm ; their daughters, Sige- 
burgh, Otlinde, Wigfride, etc. 

When the Teutons grew in number and spread by war- 
fare and migration at large, the heraldic name-system became 
confused and began to decline. The heraldic pictorial system, 
now commonly called heraldry, began to develop. 

Tacitus, the Roman author (circa A. D. 150), describing 
in his book ''De Germania," our people at the Nether-Rhine 
and along the North Sea coast, says : VI. 2. "Scuta lectissimis 
coloribiis distinguunt." (They wear shields marked with care- 
fully chosen colors), and elsewhere: "Germani diversis colo- 
ribus inter se distincti sunt." (The Teutons [in warfare] are 
known among each other by their dififerent colors.) In his 
"Annales" 11, 14, the same author says concerning them: 
"A^e scuta qnidem ferro nervove firmata, sed viminuni textus vel 
teniis ct facatas colore tabulas." (The shields are not fastened 
with iron or leather bands, but are tablets woven from twigs, 
stretched and painted in gaudy colors.) 

Further quotations from this author would show that of 
the Nether-Dutch tribes, the Frisian color was brown ; the 
Saxon, red ; the Cimbric, white ; while the shape of the shields 
was rectangular : ■ or sometimes triangular : t. 

The "Warren", a High-Dutch tribe, had black shields. 
The Scandinavian tribe of the Danes had round shields as 


The New Nktiiekland Register 79 

a mark of their nationality. (Tac. Germ. 43. 7. Protinits 
dcinde ab Occano Rugi ct Lcnwiii, oinniamquc liarum (jcnt'ni)n 
insignum rotunda scuta.") 

The Anglo-Frisian heroic ])oem of lieowulf, written \.\). 
400, before the Angles lived in Kngel-land, has many passages 
which show rather far developed heraldic customs among the 
Scandinavians as well as among the Xether-Dntch. The "11 1- 
debrandsliet," A.D. 8oo, shows the same for the High-Dutch. 

About the year A. D. 7<S5 the first legal regulation f(jr 
marks of family distinction ( the I'eutons fought in war in 
family sections), was made by the Capitularia of Charle- 
magne, king of the Franks. Henceforth each head of a family 
was obliged to have his mark as a housemark carved or painted 
over his front door or main gateway, as well as on the corner 
frees of his woods, and on the hides of all his cattle. So 
heraldry was introduced from public warfare into pri\'ate 
home life among the continental Nether-Dutch. The law- 
prevailed slowly but surely. Finally it reached the island 
of Fehmarn on the German coast in the Baltic, at the extreme 
border of Frankish influence, where it has yet sur\ivcd with- 
out further development. (See Falck, Friesisches Archiv. ) 

This was the system which elsewhere was to re- 
place the heraldicname-system. The isons founding their 
own family would take their father's house mark with certain 
additions or alterations in shape and coloring-. The system 
spread over all western Europe, also among the Roman and 
Celtic nations, and reached its highest perfection during the 
middle ages, mainly through the great intermixture of races 
caused by the Crusades. 

{To be continued.) 

Mr. L. P. de Boer, the eminent authority on Dutch heraldry, 
is no longer at New-FIaven, Conn. 

His present address is : 

Room 819 — 99 Nassau Street, New York. N. V. 

so The New Netiierland Register 


History and Genealogy of the Vreeland Family, by Nicholas Garretson 
Vreeland. Title page and other drawings by Francis William Vree- 
land. Historical Publishing Co., Jersey City, N. J. 1909. 

This volume of 320 pages, 120 of which are devoted to the Vree- 
land Genealogy proper and about 200 to Historical and Genealogical 
sketches does credit to the author's journalistic qualities. It is divided 
into 5 parts, the first of which contains sketches of Dutch History. The 
second is chiefly occupied with the story of the settling of Communipaw 
and Bergen where the founder of Ithe family finally located. Part third 
under the title of 'The story of the Vreelands" contains some interesting 
matter about members of the Vreeland family in this country and in other 
parts of the world, not forgetting the fighting Vreelands. The fourth 
and fifth parts contain Genealogies of the American branch of the 
family from 1638 to 1909. 

"Michael Janzoon Vreeland was the pioneer and progenitor of the 
great family of to-day, numbering up into the thousands, and spread 
all over the United States and further." 

The work contains more than 60 illustrations, comprising early views 
of New Netherland localities, the Vreeland coat of arms in colors 
with the Dutch motto, reproductions of ancient Dutch coins, notable 
structures in Netherland such as the historic Binnenhof at the Hague 
the meeting place of the States General, the renowned City Hall at 
Middelburg, various views of the town of Vreeland in Utrecht, Vree- 
land homesteads and portraits of many members of the Vreeland family 
including the New York studio of the illustrator of the book. Also 
a very useful map of Netherland on which is indicated the location of 
the Polder Vreeland on the Island of South Beveland whence the 
founder of the family came. 

The Vreeland family is to be congratulated on this little book not 
so much because it contains a complete genealogy of the American 
Vreelands, but because it is a promising beginning, and forms the 
sound basis for a more extended history of this numerous and distin- 
guished family. 


New Netherland 

Vol. 1. 

June and July, 1911 

Nos. 6 and 7 


New Netherland genealogy is a science. It is at once puz- 
zling and fascinating. Its successful pursuit requires an an- 
alytical mind, and a strong, constructive intellect, able to follow 
up and work out seemingly much detached and absolutely un- 
related clues. As a lawyer-genealogist put it to the writer, 
"Scientific imagination is an essential to good, constructive New 
Netherland genealogy." "You have to assume a lot, putting 
this and that together, gradually linking a chain," expressed the 
sum total of another genealogist's experience. 

Often it is necessary to proceed in an investigation on a 
theory, based on the known facts in the case. Often the theory 
turns out to be wrong, and the search must begin over again or 
be entirely abandoned. As is said of the United States Secret 
Service, so a good genealogist never lets up on a quarry. He may 
have apparently abandoned the case a dozen years ago, hopeless 
of being able to solve it. He may seemingly have forgotten it, 
certainly does not think about it any more. While engaged in 
other searches, he may accidentally come upon some bit of evi- 
dence in regard to the abandoned case. Like a flash, the search 
given up a dozen years ago, suddenly comes back to his mind. 
He follows up the new evidence, and thus sometimes succeeds 
in solving a problem which formerly completely baffled him. 
The publication or discovery of new — or the corrected publica- 
tion of old — records, often leads to similar satisfactory results. 

For instance, the publication of the translation of the Van 
Rensselaer Bowier manuscripts under the supervision of State 
Archivist Van Laer, besides being of inestimable value to New 


Netherland's general history has much benefitted the pursuit of 
genealogy, furnishing many new clues. 

The mistakes in the original records often magnified by the 
blunders of the translator and the copyist, and increased by the 
typographical errors in the printed records, add to the difl&culties 
of the genealogist and may lead him on the wrong track. Less 
fatal but equally puzzling is the variation of spelling and the 
apparently irreconcilable changes of form in which the same 
name will appear. Many names were entered phonetically 
but — especially in later years — the phonetics were according to 
the language of the recording clerk. So that Dutch names 
written by English, German or French scribes would, as a rule, 
be entirely different from those entered by a Dutch clerk. This 
enhances the difficulty but adds to the fascination of the pursuit, 
and brings into play the lingual scholarship, as well as the 
mental acumen, of the searcher. A good sized volume could be 
written on the changes of, and variations in, the names of New 
Netherland's pioneers and their descendants. 

New Netherland genealogy differs from other American 
genealogies in the quite general . absence of fixed family names, 
in the broad variations of patronymics, in the quite common use 
of nicknames and in the varying use of geographical names as 
family cognomens or means for distinguishing two or more per- 
sons bearing the same patronymic. Sometimes this distin- 
guishing surname would relate to the place of his last residence, 
though more generally to the place of his birth. Once in a 
while these geographical surnames are used interchangeably 
which, of course, adds to the difficulty of identifying and placing 
the bearer. 

In a great many cases, a man's wife, when her name ap- 
pears with his in the records, assists in identifying him. Yet, 
even then, it is not always easy or sure, because many wives 
were entered under their husband's given name or patronymic, 
often under their own father's given, or family name or pat- 
ronymic, sometimes even under their stepfather's cognomens. 
For instance, Styntje Jans, the wife of Thys Cprsen, would 
usually be called Styntje Thy sen, not infrequently Styntje 
Corsen. If her father's name was Jan Pietersen, she might also 
be alluded to as Styntje Jans or Styntje Pieters. If she had a 
stepfather named Steven Olofsen, she might also be known as 
Styntje Stevens or Styntje Olofs. Thus, while the name of a 


man's wife often assists in identifying him, it sometimes actually 
contributes towards a further mystification of the investigator, 
until a more extended search has shown her full relationship, 
and so the possible variations of her name. 

Another means of possible identification is the names of the 
godparents or witnesses, assisting at the baptisms of infants, 
while the New Netherland system of naming children often 
helps a genealogist in placing a doubtful name in its proper 
position in the family history. This system was subject, how- 
ever, to variations, and not always strictly adhered to, so that 
it is not a positive guide. 

One of the greatest puzzles in New Netherland genealogical 
investigation results from the adoption of a patronymic as a 
fixed family name, two or three generations after the arrival of 
the founder of the family. For instance, the immigrant an- 
cestor of a family might be named Hendrick Jansen. His 
children would be known as Hendricks or Hendricksen. These 
Hendricksens might have ten, twelve or more sons, some of 
whom might take as a family name Jansen, others Hendricksen, 
others Claesen or Cornelissen or any one of half a dozen other 
patronymics, not arbitrarily, but in a perfectly regular manner, 
taking their father's given name with the affix sen as their 
family name. Thus the children of Claes, the son of Hendrick 
Jansen, might be known as Jan Claesen, Marten Claesen, etc. 
In this way, a dozen or more families, in the course of about half 
a century, would all trace back their genealogy in the straight 
male line, to Hendrick Jansen, the immigrant ancestor, though 
none might bear the name of Jansen. 

Two prominent families, the Suydams and the Rikers, for 
instance, have as their common ancestor, Hendrick Rycken, 
some of his immediate descendants taking the name of Suydam, 
while others adhered to Rycken, which, in course of time, was 
modified to Riker. It was long thought that the Lent family 
was also descended from Hendrick Rycken, but later research 
has shown them to come from Abraham Rycken, who, as far as 
known, was in no way related to Hendrick Rycken. ^^^ 

The Cronkhite family furnishes another illustration in re- 
gard to the change of names. It was not until sixty years after 
Herck Sybouts' arrival in New Netherland that his descendants 
began to use the name Krankheyt, which, in course of time, was 
modified to Cronkhite. The Covkendall and Kuvkendall 


families both trace their origin back to Jacob Luurszen, but 
it was not until more than half a century after his death that his 
descendants began to use the name Van Kuykendaal. It is 
comparatively easy to trace these changes, much more easy, for 
instance, than in the case of the Terwilliger family. It was not 
until more than [fifty years after the arrival here of Evert 
Dircksen, of Vianen, that his grandchildren began to use the 
name of Terwilliger. Owing to the absence of any direct in- 
dications, it required much time, thought and research to estab- 
lish the relationship between Evert Dircksen and his grand- 
children, the Terwilligers. 

The incompleteness of, and the gaps in, the records precludes 
in many cases the logical connection of the early ancestor known 
only by his patronymic, with the descendants, known by their 
later adopted family names. There are many instances of this 
kind, such as the Van Norden, the Huyler, the Vanderlip, the 
Joralemon, the Jacobus, the Berdan and many more families, 
which have hitherto baffled the investigator in regard to their 
first appearance in New Netherland, owing to the lack of cer- 
tain records which would show the connecting links. 

Another puzzling feature of New Netherland genealogy is 
the frequency of the same patronymic borne by entirely different 
people. For instance, there are scores of Jan Jansens, many 
Hendric Hendricksens, Pieter Pietersens, Gerrit Gerritsens, 
Jan Dircksens, Dirck Jansens, etc. In entering their names, the 
clerks often neglected to record any distinguishing features, so 
that it is next to impossible to identify the man meant, from the 
half a dozen or more bearing the same patronymic. Very often 
nicknames or trade names were used as means of identification, 
sometimes, also, the name of a man's wife entered with his, will 
show which particular Jan Jansen or Jan Pietersen was meant. 

A few examples will illustrate this statement. 

The dauntless Albert Albertsen Terhune, who feared neither 
the enmity of the Indians nor the wrath of the Director General 
of New Netherland had a double in Albert Albertsen, the drum- 
mer. The records often mention Albert Albertsen only, in 
which case it is generally impossible to know whether Terhune 
or the drummer is meant. 

A noted tribune of the people during portions of Kieft's 
and Stuyvesant's governments, Michiel Jansen Vreeland, apart 
from being commonly referred to as Michiel Jansen, was, at 


the baptism in New Amsterdam of his son Enoch, on January 
20, 1647, entered as Michiel Janszen Van de Berg, an appellation 
given him on account of his having occupied the farm the 
Hooge Berg at Rensselaers-wyck, some years earlier. 

Abraham Pieterszen Van Deursen, another noted tribune 
of the people, also had a double at N^w Amsterdam in the person 
of Abraham Pietersen Carpyn or Corbyn. Often the patrony- 
mic Abraham Pietersen, without any further qualification would 
be entered in the record in which case it was difficult or impos- 
sible to know whether Van Deursen or Carpyn was meant. 

On the other hand, the general use of nicknames in those 
days presents another difficulty to the genealogist, and some- 
times makes it hard to identify a person. One conspicuous 
instance will suffice. 

Jan Jansen Wanshaer, a yacht captain, navigating the 
waters of New Netherland, was known among his contempora- 
ries by nearly a dozen different nicknames, such as St. Ubes, 
St. Obyn, De Kaper, Kipshaven and others. The latter name 
must have been given him because he was in the habit of an- 
choring his yacht, when at home, in the little harbor or bay 
facing the country house of his father-in-law, Hendrick Hen- 
dricksen Kip, which bay was known at the time as Kipshaven, 
on the Manhattan shore of the East River. In these instances, 
again, the name of Wanshaer's wife, Baertie Kip, entered along- 
side of his own in the record was the only means of identifying him. 

If Jan Jansen Wanshaer could have got rid of his patrony- 
mic and been known only as Jan Wanshaer, this multiplicity of 
nicknames would not have occurred. The fact that he was Jan 
Jansen Wanshaer caused all the trouble. People were inclined 
to drop his family name simply calling him Jan Jansen. x\s 
there were half a hundred Jan Jansens in and around New 
Amsterdam it was absolutely necessary to apply some distin- 
guishing cognomen. Few knew his real name and thus recourse 
was had to nicknames, derived either from his occupation, 
places where he had lived, or from other quite generally known 
facts in his history. 

The bearers of the aliases or nicknames did not assume 
them. They were given them by their neighbors. The people, 
as a rule, appeared averse to using a man's family name, unless 
he occupied a very prominent position. Even then they would 
often use his patronymic only, and, as a consequence, would 


some times be obliged to have recourse to a nickname to dis- 
tinguish him from others having the same patronymic. 

In course of time, the church clerk would come to know all 
or most of the nicknames given to an individual. When re- 
cording the baptism of a man's child, the clerk would enter the 
man under whatever name or nickname he first happened to 
think of, thus really adding to the general confusion in regard to 
the man's identity. In the official records somewhat more care 
seems to have been taken in this regard. Here the Secretary 
or the clerk appears to have more generally ascertained a man's 
real name, besides his patronymic. In some instances, the official 
would record a man's patronymic only, while the man would 
sign his family name to the document. This sometimes leads to 
a man's identification in genealogical investigations, and is the 
means of connecting him with his descendants of the second or third 
generation who suddenly resumed the family name after having 
used various patronymics for half a century or longer. 

Wills, deeds, court records, burial lists, official documents 
of all kinds, family bibles, merchants' account books, even, are 
of great value to the student of genealogy. But, after all, the 
baptismal records offer the most valuable assistance to the 

Unfortunately, the earliest New Netherland baptismal 
records are missing or incomplete. The New Amsterdam rec- 
ords do not begin until 1639, or about 26 years after there were 
whites, sojourning on, or in the neighborhood of Manhattan. 
The Lutheran records, which cover the territory between New 
Brunswick, N. J., and Albany, N. Y., commence in 1703, though 
there was a Lutheran church organization at New Amsterdam 
before 1660. The Albany baptismal records prior to 1683 have 
disappeared, though there was a church there in 1642. The 
early Schenectady baptismal records were destroyed in the 
French and Indian raid in 1690, and the existing ones do not 
begin until 1694. The records of Bergen only begin with the 
arrival of Rynier Van Giesen, as Voorlezer, on January 1, 1666, 
although there was an organized church there some years pre- 
vious. The baptismal records of the South River (Delaware) 
which would have included Delaware, Southern New Jersey 
and portions of Pennsylvania, long before Penn's arrival, seem 
to be missing, though the fact that they had ministers and 
voorlesers makes it certain that they kept baptismal records. 


There exist fragmentary records of portions of these sections 
kept by Paulus Van Vleck between 1710 and 1788, while the 
Bucks Co., Pa., baptismal records do not begin until 1737> 
more than a century after Captain David Pietersz De Vries 
founded his ill-fated colony of Swanendael, near the site of the 
present city of Lewes, Dela. 

The Staten Island records before 1696 are missing, which, 
in most cases, renders it absolutely impossible to connect later 
generations on said island with the earlier settlers of the same 
name. For instance, it is certain that the former Councillor 
of New Netherland, Johan De Decker, settled on Staten Island 
some time before 1670. He had at least one son before moving 
to Staten Island and may have had more while settled there. 
On September 7, 1696, Matheus De Decker had a son baptized 
named Johannes. Was this Matheus De Decker a son or a grand- 
son of the Councillor? In the course of a few years, more De 
Deckers appear who may have been sons or grandsons of the 
distinguished Johan but the loss of the earlier records renders 
it impossible to make the connection. While, about 1718, they 
began gradually to drop the De, making the cognomen Decker, 
they continued to bestow the name Johannes or John on as many 
of the Decker male children as was convenient, thus continuing 
to honor the founder of the Decker family of Staten Island. 

The baptismal records of the Five Dutch Towns of Long 
Island from 1654-1676, covering the ministry of the Rev. Johan- 
nes Theodorus Polhemus have also been lost. The probable 
importance of these records can be estimated by an examination 
of the Brooklyn church records during the four years from 1660 
to 1664 that the Rev. Henricus Selyns officiated there. After 
Mr. Selyns' departure for Holland, Brooklyn again joined the 
ecclesiastical union of the other villages, but its church records 
of these four years fortunately have been saved, and with them 
three scores of valuable baptismal entries, a sample of what we 
would have possessed had all these early Long Island Church 
records been preserved. 

A fair knowledge of Dutch in New Netherland genealogy 
is at least desirable. Many investigators unacquainted with 
the language of the founders of the Empire State and neigh- 
boring commonwealths make statements and attempt ex- 
planations which look ridiculous and sound absurd to those ac- 
quainted with the New Netherland tongue. 


One great stumbling block to those not knowing Dutch is 
the difference in meaning between the Dutch and the French 
De. In fact, most people do not know that there are Dutch 
names with the prefix De, and think that every such name must 
be French. The one great rule to apply in deciding whether 
a name having the prefix De is French or Dutch is to look at the 
definite name or body of the name, the part following the De. 
If this part is French then the name is French. If the part fol- 
lowing De is Dutch then the name is Dutch. For instance, De 
Bonrepos is a French name not on account of the De but on ac- 
count of Bonrepos which is a French word. On the other hand 
De Klein is a Dutch name because Klein is Dutch. From this 
it will be seen that the prefix De is no criterion in deciding the 
nationality of a name. On the contrary it is misleading and 
should be eliminated when trying to fix the national origin of a 

The French De is a preposition meaning from. The Dutch 
De is an article meaning r/i^. For instance in Dutch: De Groot 
means The Great; De Witt means The White; De Kleyn means 
The Little; De Vries, Fries means The Frisian; De Riemer means 
The maker of belts; De Koster, Coster means The Sexton; 
De Grauw means The Gray; De Pauw means The Peacock; 
De Ruyter means The Horseman; De Ridder means The Knight; 
De Decker means The Thatcher, etc., etc. 

More could be written regarding New Netherland genealogy 
but this brief article will show its unique position among other 
American genealogies and prove the claim to its being named a 


Boogaerdt, in all its various forms, is a highly respectable 
name, not only in the land of its origin but also in the country 
where it has been borne by so many pioneers, who assisted in 
clearing the way for coming generations. 

Boomgaerdt, Boogaerdt, Bongerd, Boomgaard, literally 
means a gathering of trees, but for centuries has been applied 
to an enclosure of fruit trees corresponding to the English word 
orchard. Van den Boogaerdt and Uytten Boogaerdt means 
*'from the orchard," while Inden Boogaerdt signifies " in the 


orchard." In course of time, tte prefixes Van den, Uytten and 
Inden were generally dropped in this country and largely also 
in Netherland. In this country the name was further simplified 
by omitting several superfluous letters, so that at present, it is 
almost universally written Bogart and Bogert. 

I. The first of the name in this country, as far as known, 
was Herman Meynderts Van den Boogaerdt, who sometimes 
subscribed himself Boghardt at other times a Booghardy, and 
also a Boocharde. He was born in 1612, arrived in 1631 at 
New Amsterdam as surgeon on the Eendracht (Union or Con- 
cord,) and settled in New Netherland, where he was the first 
known physician and surgeon. 

In 1633, Boghardy was appointed surgeon at Fort Orange, 
and probably was the leader of the exploring party which, in 
the latter part of 1634 and the beginning of 1635, was sent into 
the Seneca and Oneida country for the purpose of establishing 
closer commercial relations with these Indian tribes. He ap- 
pears to have given up his position at Fort Orange, and in Sep- 
tember, 1638, went on a cruise to the West Indies, probably as 
surgeon on the privateer La Garce, of which he was part owner. 

Prior to embarking on his '*long and perilous West India 
voyage," Van der Bogaert made his will in which he bequeathed 
all his property to Jillisje Claese of Zierickzee, daughter of Claes 
Cornelissen Swits, who, in 1642, was murdered by an Indian at 
Turtle Bay on Manhattan. After his return from the West 
Indies, surgeon Van der Bogaert married her and they had at 
least two sons, Francoys (Frans) baptized Aug. 26, 1640, and 
Meyndert, baptized May 3, 1643, both at New Amsterdam. 
Most of their descendants settled around Schenectady and in the 
Mohawk country. In the Schenectady^ records they are alter- 
nately referred to as Van den Boogaerd, Bogaerd, etc., and in 
course of time, quite generally dropped the "Van den." 

Shortly after his return from the West Indies, Surgeon 
Boghardy was appointed commissary of stores at New Amster- 
dam in which capacity he might be sent on trading expeditions 
among the Indians, to which his earlier experiences at Fort 
Orange and his superior mental capacities, eminently qualified him. 

That the life of an Indian trader was not one of unalloyed 
enjoyment, but often attended by many dangers and great 
risks, is frequently attested to by the strange disappearance, and 


sudden unexplained death of several fur traders. An incident 
in the career of Commissary Van der Bogaerd as related by him- 
self and some of his companions in trouble, presents a striking 

Sometime during the year 1640, the Raritan Indians, who 
inhabited Staten Island and part of the country to the West of 
it, had requested Director Kieft to send a trading party to their 
country. Consequently the yacht Vreede (Peace) was loaded 
with the necessary articles of barter and dispatched under the 
commissary's command. Arrived at the usual trading place, 
probably in the Kil van Kull, the Raritans — powerful fellows, 
all armed with axes, swords, bows and arrows — instead of show- 
ing the customary friendship and inclination to trade, manifested 
signs of hostility. Instead of offering furs, they, in token of 
contempt, brought dead squirrels, with some of which they 
slapped Cors Pietersen's face upon his refusal to buy. 

Some Raritans, meantime had boarded the Vreede with a 
lot of martens, as if inclined to proceed to business in earnest. 
As the Kil at the trading post was rather narrow, the traders 
deemed it wise to move the yacht to a place where they would be 
safer in case of attack. Loading their kedge in the yacht's 
canoe, some of the crew rowed it to the spot where they wished 
to anchor, deposited it, and thereupon the Vreede, by means 
of a line fastened to the kedge was drawn to the desired anchor- 
age. This proceeding did not at all please the Raritans who 
speedily dislodged the kedge, and then returned to the yacht 
in their canoes for the purpose of towing her back to the anchor- 
age at the trading post. 

This action of the Indians set the men of the Vreede think- 
ing, and they began to make ready for a fight. The visitors 
on board thereupon required the traders to convey them back 
to the shore. This was only a ruse and the traders knew it. 
They answered: "You have canoes, row yourselves ashore in 

The Indians, seeing that the men on board were ready for 
them, did not further molest the party, and, after stealing their 
canoe, made for the shore. As the Indians were too numerous, 
this robbery of the canoe could not be prevented, but the traders 
prepared for a struggle, and this attitude prevented any further 
depredation. Suddenly, a terrific thunderstorm, accompanied 
by wind and hail, sprung up and the yacht safely slipped away 


through the narrows of the Kil. The Indians who had taken 
up positions on both banks, discharged showers of arrows at 
the retreating yacht, but notwithstanding the narrowness of 
the stream, none of the crew appears to have been struck, and the 
Vreede safely returned to New Amsterdam. 

After having acceptably served the government at New 
Amsterdam, Van den Bogaerdt, in 1645, was appointed com- 
missary at Fort Orange and here he probably was the good angel 
who in the same year attended upon and saved the life of Father 
Jogues, the French Missionary among the Indians, after the 
Missionary's escape from the Mohawks. 

Surgeon Van der Bogaerdt appears to have possessed a 
sensitive nature and a correspondingly high temper which oc- 
casionally led him into trouble, made him enemies and doubtless 
was the cause of his burning to death in an Indian wigwam on 
the Mohawk, where he had sought refuge from his defamers, 
near the close of 1647. 

During his incumbency at Fort Orange, commissary Van 
den Bogaerdt, in conjunction with the court of Rensselaerswyck, 
made strenuous efforts to regulate the trade in furs, and also to 
define the value of the beaver skin as expressed in seawan, the 
country's chief medium of exchange at the time. 

II. Bogardus is the Latinized form of Bogaerdt, and was 
adopted by the Rev. Everardus Bogardus on account of his being 
a classical scholar. It was customary among the scholars of 
this period to Latinize their name either by adjoining us or ius 
to it or by translating or modifying it. A scholar by the name 
of Bosch might Latinize his name to Bossius or, in a modified 
translation, might even make it Silvius. The name of Secretarj^ 
Nevius probably was the Latinized form of Neef . Many foreign 
sounding New Netherland names of the period doubtless were 
Latinized forms of the original family name, transformed by some 
ancestor who was a classical scholar. 

The Rev. Everardus Bogardus had a brother in Holland, 
Cornelis Willemsen Bogaert, to whom the famous Anneke Jans, 
the minister's widow, on August 17, 1649, granted powers of 
attorney to receive from the Amsterdam Chamber of the West 
India Company the balance of a claim due to Tryn Jansen, New 
Amsterdam's deceased midwife, who w^as Anneke Jans' mother. 


The Reverend Everardus Bogardus arrived here with gov- 
ernor Wouter Van Twiller in 1633, by the ship Soutberg and re- 
mained till 1647, when he took ship in the Princess for Holland, 
and was drowned in the shipwreck on the South West coast of 
England. He did not return to Holland to stay, but only to 
defend himself against allegations. . 

Mr. Bogardus* reputation has been much damaged by the 
criminations, originating from his perhaps taking too conspicu- 
ous a part in the dissensions between the people and the govern- 
ment. That he was a man of strong character, and perhaps too 
great combativeness, is evidenced from the records. That New 
Netherland greatly benefitted both morally and materially — by 
his sojourn here is also evident. He was one of New Nether- 
land's representative men, a commanding figure among the early 
founders of the United States, and deserves an extensive study 
by competent historians. 

Unlike his predecessor, Mr. Bogardus invested whatever 
capital he may have possessed and all his savings in New Nether- 
land enterprises, and especially in agricultural undertakings. 
His investments were not confined to Manhattan, but 
extended to the Dutch settlements on Long Island. Thus, 
while materially contributing towards New Netherland's de- 
velopment and prosperity, his judicious investments redounded 
to the benefit of his children, whose education he did not neglect 
either, as is conspicuously attested to by the career of his oldest 
son Willem, the foundation of whose attainments was doubtless 
laid by his father. 

Though the descendants of the Rev. Bogardus generally 
continued the name, they occasionally returned to the Dutch 
form. Thus when on September 4, 1662, Willem, the oldest son 
of the minister, witnessed a declaration before a notary by the 
wife of Paulus Van der Beek about property jointly owned by 
them, he was entered under the appellation of Willem Bogaerdt. 
At other times and on other occasions, similar slips are noticed 
but they were only passing occurrences, showing that the minis- 
ter's early descendants were fully familiar with the origin of the 
name, but there is no evidence that any of them permanently 
adhered to the original Dutch form. 

III. Another early colonist of the name was Joost Van 
Bogaerdt, who according to Dr. Zwierlein's "Religion in New 


Netherland" had been appointed at an annual salary of two 
hundred dollars "special commandant of the Dutch Colony" to 
settle on the South River of New Netherland under the Swedish 
crown. "Bogaerdt arrived in New Sweden in the fall of 1640 
and settled three or four miles below Christina.*' He was at 
New Amsterdam on July 3, 1642 when, under the name of Jooat 
Van de Bogardt, he officiated as a witness at the baptism of 
Jacob, son of Gerrit Jansen. 

Joost Van de Bogaerdt does not seem to have left descendants 
in this country. The early Pennsylvania Bogerts are traceable 
to Long Island, by way of Staten Island, and the New Jersey 
bearers of the name all seem to come originally from Long Island 
or Manhattan. It is therefore quite probable that Joost either 
returned to Holland at the breaking up of the Dutch Swedish 
combination or died childless. 

IV. Among those, who, in 1687, were obliged to take the 
oath of allegiance to James II. of England, was Theunis 
Ghysbertsen Bogaerdt, at Breukelen, \^ho was stated at the 
time to have been in the country 35 years. This would fix his 
arrival here in 1652. It is not improbable that he came over in 
company with his parents. His father may have been the 
Gysbert Cornelissen Bogaerdt who with his brother Cornelis 
Cornelissen Boogaerdt had inherited property at Schoonder- 
weert from their deceased parents Cornelis Teunissen Bogaert 
and Beelitie Cornelis. Gysbert arranged about his share in said 
property on September 3, 1661. Gysbert, at the time, was 
located at Catskill while his brother Cornelis had settled near 

When, on May 29, 1661, Tennis Ghysbertsen Bogaert joined 
the church of Breuckelen, he was stated to be from Heykoop, 
which is no more than two miles distant from Schoonderwoert. 
One of his sponsors at the time of joining the church was the 
former widow of Hans Hansen Bergen, Sara Jorisse Rapelje, 
whom Bogaerdt had married in the latter part of 1654 and with 
whom he had several children. Less than two years after join- 
ing the church, Teunis Ghysbertsen, on Feb. 28, 1663, was elected 
a deacon for the Walabout district and just one year afterw^ards, 
on February 27, 1664, he was elected an elder, which position 
he still occupied in May, 1670. 

On April 24, 1660, one Teunis Ghysberts was appointed 
schepen or magistrate for Amersfoort and Midwout. If he was 


Theunis Ghysberts Boogaert he must have moved to Brooklyn 
early in 1661, as shown by his joining the Brooklyn church in 
May of the same year. Less than two years later, on March 
19, 1663, and again on August 18, 1673 — after the Dutch recon- 
quest of New Netherland — Bogaert was appointed a magistrate 
for Brooklyn. According to Bergen he also was a magistrate 
in 1667, represented Brooklyn in the Hempstead convention of 
1665, and was on Nicolls' patent of Brooklyn in 1667. Accord- 
ing to the same authority, his farm at the Wallabout comprised 
two hundred acres. At the beginning of 1664, in his capacity as 
a magistrate. Tennis Gysberts Boogaert was among the signers 
of a Remonstrance to the central authorities at New Amsterdam 
in regard to John Scot's raids on the Dutch villages of Long 
Island. On February 27, 1664, at the Convention of the Long 
Island magistrates, with Schout Adriaen Hegeman as chairman. 
Tennis Gysbertsen Bogaerdt was one of the four delegates from 
Breuckelen. Immediately after the Dutch reconquest of New 
Netherland, Bogaert was, on August 18, 1673, appointed Schepen 
of Breuckelen, in which capacity he was a member of the con- 
vention of March 26, 1674, at Manhattan, convened by Governor 
Colve to consult with him and his Council about the best in- 
terests of the recaptured province. 

After the Indian massacre of September, 1655, the Director 
General and Council of New Netherland enacted stringent de- 
crees in regard to the formation of villages and centers of popu- 
lation in the rural districts, as a means of protection against 
Indian raids. 

On March 1, 1660, Tennis Gysberts Bogaert and eight others 
petitioned Director Stuyvesant to be permitted to form a village 
on an elevation between Bogaert's land and that of Jacob Kip 
near the Wallabout, on the bank of the East River. Principally 
owing to the difficulty — as was stated in a later petition — of 
getting sufficient water for their families and their cattle, this site 
was soon abandoned, without permission of the authorities. 

On February 10, 1661, none of the petitioners had as yet 
removed from their farms into the new hamlet, though others 
had done so, and Court messenger Claes Van Elslarid was di- 
rected by the central authorities to warn Bogaert and his as- 
sociates to quit their separate dwellings and to move into the 
newly founded settlement before March 15, following. Two 
weeks after the warning, the petitioners again requested to be 


permitted to erect for their protection and defense, a blockhouse 
on a corner of Joris Rapalje's land. After listening to the argu- 
ments for and against, the Director General and Council, on 
March 3, 1661, denied the petition, ordering the petitioners to 
remove to the hamlet on the elevation, at the end of Jacob 
Kip's land, as expressed in their petition of March 1, 1660, as 
according to the authorities, there was plenty of water in the well 
of Teunis Ghysberts Boogaert, not far distant. 

All the land at the Wallabout had not yet been distributed 
and on March 18, 1662, Teunis G. Boogaerdt and five of his 
fellow settlers there petitioned the government for the grant of a 
parcel of unappropriated woodland in the rear of Joris Rapalje's 
farm, along the old path to the bay. The petition was granted 
under condition that the grantees should not settle there, and 
thus, in case of attack, weaken the defensive powers of the com- 

It would appear that besides being engaged in farming, 
Teunis Ghysbertsen Boogaerdt also operated a sawmill, preparing 
lumber for export. At least, on August 29, 1662, he sued Cap- 
tain Pieter Jansen Emilius of the Hope for the price of three 
hundred clapboards which the Captain and his cooper had con- 
tracted for, besides the three hundred which had been delivered 
on board and paid for. The captain stated that he had purchased 
the boards on condition that he could ship them. As the Hope 
already had a full cargo Captain Emilius consequently refused 
to accept them. The testimony of the cooper showed that the 
timber had been bought unconditionally, and Boogaerdt won 
his suit. The Captain was condemned to receive, and to pay 
for, the clapboards. 

This action is further interesting as showing the prevalence 
of barter at the time. The settlers had greater immediate need 
of commodities than of money. Though the value of the boards 
was expressed in terms of money — sixty guilders for the three 
hundred boards — the payment was to be in linen at three guild- 
ers the ell, so that Emilius delivered to Bogaerdt twenty ells of 
linen, in exchange for the three hundred clapboards. 

If in 1667 Teunis Ghysberts Boogaerdt was the owner of 
two hundred acres of land, he must have gradually disposed of 
his holdings, for at the valuation of August 30, 1675, and again 
in September 1676 and on September 26, 1683, he is taxed for 
only forty morgens or eighty acres of land. That he Xvas one of 


the wealthiest farmers is shown from the fact that in 1675, 
among his live stock we find enumerated five horses, two oxen, 
and thirty-six head of cattle. In 1683, he evidently had disposed 
of much of his stock, for his cattle then numbered only twenty- 
two, besides the same number of horses as in 1675. 

At the census of 1698, it would seem that Teunis Ghysbertsen 
Boogaerdt had transferred the larger portion of his property to 
his son Ghysbert, who at the time appears to have had at least 
five children. As Teunis was reported at the same census as 
living alone, it is evident that his second wife had died, and that 
he preferred living the life of a recluse. Having married about 
1654, it is quite safe to assume that he was born about 1630. 
According to Bergen, he signed his name Tonis Gisbertse Bogaert, 
which given name Tonis has sometimes been mistakenly copied 
Joris. It would appear that the early Bucks Co., Pa., Bogerts 
are descended from him. 

V. Cornelis Jansz Bongaert first appears in the records, 
October 30, 1654, when Isaack De Forest was appointed agent 
by Jan Snediger (Snedeker) of Midwout, L. I., to sell his farm. 
This farm, as stated in the record, was situated at Midwout, 
between the land of Jan Eversz Bout and that of Cornelis Jansz 

Though this is the first time that the name of this pioneer 
appears in the records, it may be inferred from the fact that he 
then was a landowner, that he had arrived in New Netherland 
some years before. According to Bergen, he married Geesje 
Willemse, and had died in 1684. According to the same au- 
thority, he sold, in 1661, a house and village plot in Flatbush to 
Pieter Jansen and was on Nicolls patent to Flatbush. His 
descendants write their name Bogert. Bergen states that his 
son, Jan Corneliszen Bongaert, who married AngenietjeStrycker, 
conveyed, November 10, 1694, to Rem Remsen, 30 acres of land 
in New Lotts, on the Jamaica road. 

Cornelis Janszen Bogard and his wife Geesje, as well as their 
son Jan Corneliszen Bogard and his wife Agnietje, had left 
Flatbush prior to October 2, 1676, when they were enrolled 
among the members of the Bergen Reformed Church, June 23, 
1679, again June 21, 1680, and again April 18, 1682, Jan Corn- 
eliszen Bongert and his wife Angenietje Strycker had children 
baptized at Bergen. 


Still it is not probable that they were living at Bergen or in 
its vicinity. They doubtless were residing at Hackensack. 
Prior to the organization of a separate church at Hackensack 
the people for many miles north, south and west of Bergen be- 
longed to the Bergen church. For this reason, the Bogaerdts 
and many more Hackensack families were enrolled among the 
Bergen church members and had their children baptized there. 

In course of time, Hackensack, as a center of population, 
temporarily even outstripped Bergen. As early as July, 1G86. 
the Rev. Pieter Tassemaker organized a separate Reformed 
Church community at Hackensack, and among its thirty-three 
constituent members were Jan Cornelisse Bongaert and his wife 
Angenietje Stryckers. September 22, 1694, Roelof Bongaert, 
probably their son, also joined the Hackensack Church. Strength- 
ened by other arrivals and additions, the congregation soon was 
able to procure the services of a settled pastor, and on February 
29, 1694, the celebrated Guliam Bertholf entered upon his suc- 
cessful pastorate. 

The baptismal records of the Reformed Church of New 
York contain positive evidence that some of the Hackensack 
Bogerts, about 1760, settled at Manhattan, raised families, and 
grew up with the slowly developing metropolis. 

VI. Dr. Jameson's Narratives of New Netherland con- 
tains the translation of a letter to Hans Bontemantel of Amster- 
dam, written on board the ship Waegh (Balance) October 31, 
1655. This letter is of importance in regard to some happenings 
at the time, notably the Indian uprising of September, 1655, and 
the expedition against the Swedes on the South River of New 
Netherland, from September 5 to September 24 of the same year. 
The writer of this interesting document was Johannes Bogaert, 
who styles himself a clerk. He probably was what at present 
is designated an officer of Administration in the Dutch navy, 
and may have come over in the Balance as the vessel's ad- 
ministrator. There are no definite indications of his having 
settled in the country but his original contribution to the better 
understanding of its early history entitles Johannes Bogaert to 
grateful recognition and remembrance. 

VII. On April 16, 1663, Captain Jan Bergen of the good 
ship Bonte Coe (Spotted Cow,) with a large number of passen- 
gers, made ready to leave Amsterdam for New Netherland. 


Among the Bonte Coe's many passengers were Jan LaurensK 
Bogaert (commonly referred to as Jan Louwe,) with his wife 
Cornelia Everts and two children, 7 and 4 years old. The 
family was from Schoonderwoert (more beautiful polder or land 
reclaimed from the water,) from which plac^ or its vicinity came 
most of the New Netherland Boogaerts. 

Jan Louwe Boogaert at first located at Bedford on Long 
Island, where he remained nine years. After purchasing the 
Montague farm at New Haerlem, he settled there in 1672, spend- 
ing most of his life there, a much esteemed member of this grow-- 
ing community. However, he held on to his Bedford property 
for more than twenty years after his removal, and, according 
to Bergen's early settlers of Kings County, disposed of it, Nov- 
vember 25, 1695, to Thomas Lambertsen. 

Jan Louwe and his wife, Cornelia Everts, joined the Reformed 
Church shortly after their arrival at New Haerlem, and here 
their youngest son Johannes was born. In the absence of a 
local preacher, Johannes was baptized at New York, August 16, 
of the same year. Three years after his arrival at New Haerlem, 
in 1675, Jan Louwe was elected a magistrate and re-elected the 
following year. At the allotments in 1677 and 1691 of the un- 
appropriated lands, he participated in the drawings. The first 
drawing secured him the lot marked 6, on Hoorn's Hook, at 
present a portion of the East River Park, around which centre 
interesting traditions and whose ancient colonial mansion re- 
mains a valuable relic of New Haerlem's early past. However, 
Jan Louwe Bogaert did not hold on to the Hook for long, and, 
December 9, 1679, sold it to Joost Van Oblinus. His second al- 
lotment adjoined his farm on the south side and forms part of 
the stretch known as the Bogert meadows. 

September 21, 1706, Jan Louwe Bogaert sold his Haerlem 
farm to Captain Johannes Benson or Bensen, son of Dirck 
Bensingh, a Dutch settler hailing from Groningen, the famous 
university town in the northernmost province of Netherland. 
The following spring Jan Louwe removed to Manhattan's south- 
ernmost settlement, the City of New York. There — according 
to a family tradition — he closed his well-spent and successful 
life on a small farm situated near the present Canal Street or 
Chatham Square, on Van Tienhoven's old road. 

At least two of his children, Geysbert who married Annatie 
Laurens, and Margrietje, the wife of Pieter Haring, moved to 


Rockland County, N. Y., and had many children baptized at 
Tappan, at the baptisms of some of which Jan Lou we officiated 
as a witness. It is not yet known how long Jan Louwe Bogaert 
enjoyed his well deserved retirement on his small New York 
City farm. Neither Riker's Harlem nor New Harlem, Past and 
Present, the authors of which spent much time in investigating 
the history of this interesting pioneer, contains any reference 
to the year or probable time of his demise. From the fact that, 
at the time of his arrival in New Netherland, he had a seven- 
year old child, the date of his birth may have fallen between 
1630 and 1635, making him at least seventy years old at the time 
of his retirement from active life. 

VIII. There is not a single section of New Netherland 
where there were not one or more Boogaert pioneers, and the 
Esopus Country, or Ulster County as named later, numbered at 
least two of the name among its early settlers. 

There was first of all Geysbert Bogaert of Catskill who in 
1661 conveyed to Cornelis Bogaert of Fort Orange "a child's 
just portion" or one quarter of the estate of their deceased father. 
February 9, 1699, Helmer Janse, stepson of Gysbert Bogaert, 
petitioned for a part of a tract of land lying on the north side of 
the Catskill at its entrance into the Hudson River, formerly 
owned by his stepfather. This would indicate that Geysbert 
had died about this time, and that, probably he left no children. 
The Indian deed for part of the above land was dated June 26, 

Cornelis Bogaert probably had at least three sons. The 
oldest, Hendrick Cornelisse Vanden Bogaert born at Hypick 
(Heicop?) in the district of Vianen, and living at Kingston, 
married in 1679 Jannetie Martens Esselstyn of Claverack. 
They had children and became the ancestors of one Ulster County 
Bogaert family. His brother, Jacob Cornelisz Vanden Bogaard 
who married Jannetje Quackenbush, appears to have settled 
near Albany. 

Gerrit, another probable son of Cornelis, also had a child, 
baptized at Kingston. 

On July 16, 1696, Cornelis Bogard (probably youngest son 
of Cornelis the brother of Geysbert) born and residing at Cox- 
ackie, was registered at Kingston for his marriage to Eva Horn- 
beck, born at Hurley and residing at AVawarsing. They had 


many children baptized at Kingston and became the ancestors 
of another Ulster County family of Bogarts and Bogerts. 

IX. The above were not the only progenitors of Boogaerdt 
families. On September 14, 1685, Adriaen Bogaerdt, widower 
of Susanna Hamilton was married at New York to Belitje Post 
widow of Ariaen Jeuriaensz Lansman. Both were of New York. 
Who was this Adrian Bogaerdt? 

On June 24, 1698, Dirck Uytten Bogaert and Elizabeth 
Eckersen were married at New York, where both had been born. 
He probably was the son of Gysbert Uytenbogert, and there is 
evidence that descendants of his dropped the Uytten, even as 
most Vanden Bogaerts had dropped the Van den. 

The number of distinct families of Boogaerdt, represented 
among the pioneers or early settlers of New Netherland was 
twelve or more, and it is doubtful if any other name was so nu- 
merously represented by separate lines. Some of the Boogaerdts 
were related — more were not. The name is now mostly Bogart 
and Bogert, altho Van der Bogert and other forms survive here 
and there. Probably thirty thousand is a reasonable estimate 
of the present Boogaerdt descendants — bearing the name in its 
various modifications — in this country. The number of col- 
lateral descendants probably will not fall far short of five millions. 


Chapter I. Dutch Heraldry in its relation to the rest of 
the Teutonic Heraldry and the relation of this to other Heraldic 
Units. From the earliest times to the Crusades. 

Chapter II. Dutch Heraldry in its relation to other west- 
European, especially to English Heraldry during the Middle Ages. 

Chapter III. Dutch Heraldry during the Dutch Republic. 

Chapter IV. New Netherland Families and their Right to 
bear Arms. 

By L. P. de Boer, M. A. Yale, LL. B. Leyden. 

II. The Germanic tribes, the Norsemen, and especially 
the Vikings, in the ages immediately following the reign 
of Charlemagne, developed the most regular heraldic system. 
Among them, arms from being mere distinguishing signs, first 
became marks of distinction and honor. They adopted animal 
figures of conventional shape as implying different degrees of 


bravery, that most excellent of virtues, in this respect resembling 
the aborigines of America, with whom they may have been in 
early contact. For instance, before ever taking the wings of 
Wodan's Eagle as side ornaments for his helmet, a warrior, by 
breaking through the battleline of the enemy would prove his 
swiftness to be like that of the eagle. No viking would take 
as crest or shield figure, any other emblem than the one to which 
the nature of his prowess entitled him. Public opinion, that first 
and only king among the Teuton tribes, would prevent him. 
The custom of the Chief, as executor of public opinion, divid- 
ing the booty and distributing these marks of honor after the 
war, we find first mentioned in sources of the 5th century. In 
the 9th and 10th century, this custom became general among 
the Norsemen, much later, when arms became hereditary, the 
Norman institution of primogeniture became responsible for the 
different filial additions to the paternal coat of arms. 

The Norsemen introduced heraldry in Sicily and Italy, and 
influenced the Gothic heraldry, introduced before that time in 
Spain and the south of France. In Normandy, their new home 
in France, their heraldry became subject to fixed, unwritten laws 
or customs by the time of the Norman conquest of England. 
Their heraldic system was very vigorously introduced into the 
newly conquered land. It did not entirely replace the existing 
Saxon heraldry, which bore great similarity to the Dutch heral- 
dry, but made it completely subject to the Norman rules, and 
soon there was no country, even Normandy itself, which had 
such a well-regulated and well-maintained heraldic system as 
Norman-England. In the 14th century, under the reign of 
Edward the Third, it reached its highest development there. By 
the end of the 12th century, coats of arms in all western European 
countries had become generally hereditary. English heraldry 
had established for itself a complete, fixed set of figures, which, 
as additions to the head figure of the shield, denoted the order 
of birth of the sons of a family. 

Dutch heraldry, in the meantime, had developed in quite a 
different direction. There, like elsewhere, the shape of the shield 
had been the oldest distinction. Later, the distinction became 
the knobs and bands with which the shields were fastened, 
painted of various colors. In some cases, these knobs and bands 
were modified into animal figures. The double eagle, for in- 
stance, has grown out of the anchored cross. And, in most 


Dutch coats of arms, the '*housemarks," which, even as late as 
the twelfth century, occur in wax seals without shield or any other 
armorial additions, were introduced into the shields. 

Whether the shield or the object filling it, was the most 
important or most essential part of a coat of arms has often been 
discussed. The other parts necessary to complete a mediaeval 
armorial — the helmet, its crest, the lambrequins, the tenants and 
the motto, as being later additions, were altogether left out of 
the question. With the exception of the lambrequins, whose 
shape, and not whose color can be arbitrary, all these parts to 
me, seem to be of equal, essential importance ; they all are 
elements of different systems of distinction in war. Helmet 
and shield, and crest and shield-figure being derived from 
systems of visible distinction; the motto from that of audible 
distinction. The French system of heraldry, which reached its 
highest development in the 15th Century, during the reign of 
Charles the Sixth, usually attributes the greatest importance 
to the shield and the shield figures. English heraldry is inclined 
to attribute the principal importance to the crest. The fact 
that Dutch heraldry attributed an equal importance to all es- 
sential parts of a complete armorial, accounts for the fact that 
incomplete armorials are rare among Dutch families. They 
seldom dropped an element of their complete armorial as being 
less important. Although the French, as well as the Dutch of 
Flanders, Brabant and Holland, were urged during the crusades, 
and in the Hundred Years' War, chiefly under Norman-English 
influence, to systematize their heraldry more than before, they 
did not adopt the proposed rules, but generalized for this purpose 
some local customs. In Brabant and Holland, it became usual 
for the branches of a house, descended from younger sons, not 
to add figures to the paternal shield, but to alter the colors of 
shield and figures, and to take the maternal arms as quartering, 
or to take the maternal crest as their own. For instance, the old 
Dutch house. Van Altena, had two red salmons on a gold shield. 
Of the branches descending from this house. Van Emminchoven 
had two gold salmons on blue; Van der Wiele had two silver 
salmons on blue; Borchgrave had two black salmons on silver; 
Van Uytwyck had two black salmons on gold; Van Giessen had 
two gold salmons on black; Van Ryswyck had two silver salmons 
on red. Contrary to the English customs, armorials in the 
Netherlands did not need to be granted in order to be legal. 


The old freedom of every nobleman to adopt whatever coat of 
arms he wished, remained. This was regulated only by public- 
opinion among noblemen, and very few of them ventured to 
abuse this liberty, and render themselves ridiculous and hated 
by arrogance or misplaced pride shown in their armorial bearings. 

When, in the latter part of the 15th century, the Burgundy 
dukes became lords of Brabant, Holland, Zeeland and parts of 
the other Netherlands, the Burgundic-French system, as it had 
developed during the crusades and the Hundred Years* War under 
influence of the Norman-English system, began to be felt in 
Dutch heraldry. But at the period of the reformation, which 
soon followed, heraldry as a whole, had already begun to decline. 
Its rules had become too complicated to be regularly enforced 
by a weak, central power. Heraldry was studied no more, to 
any large extent, by professionals and the nobles great or small, 
who formerly used to war under their own banners, followed the 
banners of mightier lords and kept the armorials for private use 
only. The Burgundic influence in the Netherlands ceased to exist 
during the successful struggle for freedom against the Hapsburgs, 
who had succeeded the Burgundic princes. Dutch heraldry was 
left to itself once more, and continued to develop along the lines 
of its numerous, more or less regulated, provincial and local 
systems. When, in a large heraldic work published in Germany 
at the end of the 17th century, Dutch heraldry is presented con- 
ventionally as a sub-division of the Burgundic system, the classi- 
fication is entirely erroneous. Through the founding of the 
Republic of the United Netherlands, a general and character- 
istically Dutch heraldry was firmly established along the Demo- 
cratic lines, which had marked it from the beginning, and which 
formed such a sharp contrast w^ith the exclusive, scrupulous and 
aristocratic English system. 

L. P. de Boer, M. A. Yale, LL. B., Leyden, 99 Nassau St., 
New York, N. Y. Family Historian and Heraldrist. 

Specializes in the pre-American history of New Netherland 
families; investigates, verifies and paints family coats of arms. 



After the recovery of the South River territory by the forces 
of the West India Company under Stuyvesant, in September, 
1655, the colonization of the reincorporated section was pushed 
with greater vigor than ever before. 

As the Chamber of Amsterdam of the West India Company 
was in no condition to undertake the peopling and development 
of the South River Country on an extensive scale, the City of 
Amsterdam offered its welcome assistance, and part of the South 
River passed into the possession of the metropolis. Immediate- 
ly, energetic measures were taken, large amounts of city money 
invested in the colonization of the newly acquired territory by 
Amsterdam's far-seeing government. By the end of 1656, four 
ships, the Prince Maurits, the Gelderse Blom, the Beer and the 
Bever were loaded with the necessaries for colonization. A force 
of 167 colonists had been recruited from among those desirous 
of bettering their condition in the new world. Strange to say, 
few, if any, farmers were among them. 

Forty-seven of the men were soldiers, many accompanied 
by their families; ten were oflScials, and thirty-five were handi- 
craftsmen. Seventy-six women and children completed the 
contingent. As governor of the colony went Jacob Alrichs, 
able, faithful and energetic, in all essentials the exact counter- 
part of Director Stuyvesant. 

The Prince Maurits was to convey the larger number of the 
colonists. Besides her crew of sixteen, she had on board one 
hundred and thirteen passengers bound for the City's colony 
on the South River. The Beer was to take thirty-three colonists, 
the Gelderse Blom and the Bever eleven each. The Bever seems 
to have left Amsterdam somewhat ahead of or a little behind the 
other ships. She did not sail in company with them, tho she 
arrived at New Amsterdam at about the same time as the Blom 
and the Beer. 

On December 25, 1656, the ships Prince Maurits, Beer and 
Gelderse Blom set sail from the Texel for New Netherland. The 
Gelderse Blom, whose Captain was acquainted with the route 
and the New Netherland waters, had been designated as the 

After having sailed in company for only three days, a ter- 
rific storm arose during the night of the 28th, which separated 


the ships, and the Prince Maurits was obliged to make the trip 
alone. On her ocean voyage she met with very bad weather 
and storms, during which her sails were blown away, the can- 
nons rolled out of the carriages, the ship was much damaged, 
while at one time six of the crew were almost swept overboard 
by the heavy seas. 

For the sake of greater safety, a Southern course had been 
followed for about seven weeks, and on February 17, 1657, the 
direction was changed. The Prince Maurits then turned toward 
the North, and on March 8, land was sighted. This was be- 
lieved to be in the neighborhood of Manhattan Island, and the 
ship's company hoped that soon they would be at the end of 
their weary voyage. 

Unfortunately, neither the Captain, pilot nor any other of 
the vessel's officers was acquainted with the lay of the land, and 
Director Alrichs cautioned the ship's commander not to spare 
the lead. First 26, then 18, then 16 fathoms of water were 
sounded, then suddenly 8 and 9 fathoms only. Immediately 
orders were given to tack, but too late. The ship refused to 
answer to the helm, and shortly after, at eleven o'clock at night, 
the Prince Maurits struck bottom. 

All efforts to get her off were futile. With every breaker, 
the ship's bow sank deeper into the sand. The heavy waves, 
washing over the vessel, continually imperilled the lives of all 
on board. The dark, stormy night was spent by the ship's 
company in the greatest anxiety. None could foretell what the 
outcome would be. 

When, at last, day dawned, they found themselves about 
a gunshot from the shore in an exceedingly dangerous position 
between the shoals and the strand. Before them they saw a 
broken coast line, bare of any tree or vegetation, fully exposed 
to the blasting winds, yet offering greater security than their 
water-logged vessel. 

The ship's boat was leaky, chilly water covered her bottom, 
and an icy wind was blowing. With great difficulty, the frail 
craft was manned and part of the passengers were lowered into 
her. Amid drifting ice, through dangerous breakers, the hardy 
sailors succeeded in reaching the shore with their precious freight, 
making the return trip as often as was necessary, tiU the last 
passenger had safely landed. Fortunately there were many 


strong men on board to take the places of those exhausted in the 
perilous and wearisome voyages of rescue. So perfect, was the 
discipline on board, that, notwithstanding the precariousness 
of the situation, not a single life was lost. 

Arrived on the beach, not a single piece of driftwood even,, 
was found, to build a fire by which the water soaked passengers 
could warm their benumbed bodies. The greatest sufferers 
were the half a hundred, or more, women and children. The 
men could, at least, keep somewhat warm by their efforts to save 
the ship's cargo. 

Immediately after the women, children and infirm men had 
been safely landed on the inhospitable shore, most of the lighter 
cargo, such as dry goods, provisions, tools, though often wet and; 
spoiled or damaged by water, were rescued from the ship. More 
could have been landed in good condition had the captain per- 
mitted the cutting of a hole in the vessel's side to let the water 
run out. The saved sails and spars could be utilized for the 
erection of tents. 

When, a few days later, the Prince Maurits went to pieces,, 
the heavier articles such as iron, bricks, tiles, lime, smith's coals, 
the bulkier agricultural implements, were washed away. Among 
the more immediately necessary parts of the cargo lost were 
barrels of hams, smoked beef and tongues, Spanish wine and oil. 
Many more useful objects such as wooden measures and other 
buoyant articles had been thrown overboard in the hope that 
they would wash ashore, but most of these were also lost. 

Meantime, on March 12, some Indians visited the ship- 
wrecked travellers and from them they learned that the place 
was called Secoutagh, Sichtewach, Sightewagh, the present Fire^ 
Island near Long Island's southern coast. Now they knew that 
help was near. 

Two of the Indians volunteered to carry a message from 
Alrichs to Stuyvesant. Immediately upon 'receipt of the mes- 
sage, Stuyvesant sent a small sloop, and the following day the 
aged governor came himself to view the situation and extend 
whatever assistance was required. Fortunately, most of the 
trading sloops and yachts were still at Manhattan and as soon 
as the news of the wreck became generally known, nine vessels; 
in quick succession hastened to the scene of the disaster. 


The names of only two of the rescuing vessels are known. 
The Company's yacht De Eendracht, probably carrying Stuy- 
vesant, Captain Dirck Claessen, was one of the first to arrive, 
and could be utilized immediately to convey to New Amsterdam 
the women and children and such of the men as were not ab- 
solutely needed at the beach. The other yacht was the Avon- 
tuur, Captain Jan Jacobs, who, likewise, rendered good service 
in the work of transporting the saved portion of the cargo to 
Manhattan, making several return trips. 

When, on March 20, Captain Jacobs came back from New 
Amsterdam, he could inform Director Jacob Alrichs that the 
ships Bever, Gelderse Blom and Beer had safely arrived there 
with fifty-five additional colonists for New Amstel, on the South 
River. They, also, were loaded with provisions which were 
afterwards used to feed the reassembled colonists during the few 
days of their enforced stay at Manhattan. 

Director Alrichs himself, though well advanced in years,. 
did not leave the inhospitable shore of Secoutagh till all the saved 
cargo of the Prince Maurits had been taken off and conveyed to 
the West India Company's warehouse at Manhattan. He 
later complained that much had been stolen, and even that the 
sentinels, stationed at the provisions to guard them, had crawled 
under the barrels and surreptitiously partaken of the liquid 
refreshments contained therein. However, he does not state 
whether this happened at Secoutagh or while the barrels were 
in transit to Manhattan or even while they were lying on the 
wharf prior to being stored in the warehouse. 

So careful was Alrichs, that he made out exact invoices of 
all the goods sent with every yacht, so as to guard against any 
attempt at pilfering, and prevent any cause for disagreement. 
He also had requested Stuyvesant to secure the proper discharge 
of the goods, according to the invoices accompanying them. 

Before the end of the second week in April, Alrichs had 
joined his company at Manhattan. In place of the wrecked 
Prince Maurits, the Bever had been chartered to take the 
colonists and all the goods to New Amstel. On April 13, the 
Beer had left Manhattan for Amsterdam, and with her Alrichs 
had sent a circumstantial report of the wreck besides an account 
of his experiences during their stay in the country. 

On April 16, the Bever set sail for New Amstel and arrived 
there on April 21, followed a few days later by the soldiers. 


They had marched overland from Manhattan to the South 
River because there was not enough room in the Bever. With 
them marched their Captain, Marten Cregier, the famous Indian 
fighter, and a number of young colonists whose spirit of adventure 
craved a greater measure of excitement than was likely to be 
met with during the short voyage by water. 

On July 2, 1682, Niew Amstel Hoop, then a young man, 24 
years old, married at Flatbush, Long Island, Catherine Van 
Marken. According to Bergen's Early Settlers of King's Co., 
Jan Amstel Hoop, on April 12, 1683, bought of Rutger Alberts, 
a house and lot in Flatbush. Who was this Niew Amstel Hoop 
or Jan Amstel Hoop ? 

Jan Barents, chief boatswain of the Prince Maurits, at the 
completion of the voyage, intended to settle at New Amstel. 
Consequently he had taken along his wife. Just when the Prince 
Maurits was making ready to leave Amsterdam for the Texel, 
Barents' wife gave birth to a boy. The Burgomasters of Am- 
sterdam were informed hereof, and considering this birth a good 
omen, they requested the parents to have the child baptized 
Niew Amstel's Hoop (the Hope of New Amstel.) The request 
was complied with. 

The little boy survived the difficulties of the voyage and 
the horrors of the shipwreck. After a brief stay at New Amstel, 
the baby's parents moved to Maryland, where both died prior 
to April £8, 1660. Hoop was thereupon sent to New Amstel 
and given in the care of his father's sister, who was married to a 
soldier of the local garrison. She appears to have taken good 
care of the boy and he grew up to manhood. He seems to have 
moved to Flatbush, married and settled there, a fortunate sur- 
vivor from the wreck of the Prince Maurits. 


In the summer of 1641, aged Claes Corneliszen Swits, the 
wheelwright, was brained by the tomahawk of a young Indian, 
in his lonely cottage at Deutel (Turtle) Bay, on the distant out- 
skirts of New Amsterdam. The murderer plundered the house 
and with his booty rejoined his tribe in Wechquaeskeeck, in the 
neighborhood of the present Dobbs Ferry. The murderer was 
known, the New Amsterdam authorities vainly demanded his 
surrender, armed parties were sent out to capture the culprit, 
but without result. 


This was neither the only nor the first time that had blood 
had been shown to exist between the Indians and the whites. 
The Indians were beginning to perceive that they were being 
crowded. If unwilling to settle down to the existence of the 
whites they foresaw what the end was likely to be. New Eng- 
land and Virginia, and in a lesser degree Canada, served as object 
lessons to them. New Netherland, also, was no longer a trading 
post. Agricultural settlements had begun to prosper through- 
out the length of the land, from the mouth of the South River to 
the beginnings of the Hudson. 

This the Indians resented. Cattle and horses at Rensselaer- 
swyck straying too far into the woods were killed by them. Out- 
lying farms, there, were no longer safe. The scanty records of 
the time contain many items giving hints of Indian outbreaks. 
The peaceable Wouter Van Twiller, in 1634, had succeeded in 
pacifying the Raritans, and concluded an uncertain peace treaty 
with them. In the summer of 1641, in their opposition to the 
agricultural settlement of Staten Island, they murdered a num- 
ber of planters at the same time forcing Cornelis Melyn, Joris 
Dircksen Brinckerhoff and Frans Jansen to abandon their agri- 
cultural projects there. 

But the murder of Claes Swits capped the climax. If 
Manhattan, considered as neutral ground, was no longer safe 
and exempt from Indian attacks, the whites might as well all 
go, or tamely submit to the inevitable. Director Kieft, the much 
abused by New Netherland's hysterians, then felt called upon to 
act, and acted with energy and dispatch. Up to that time, the 
people had no voice in the government, and had shown no signs 
of wanting it. The West India Company governed the country 
acceptably, the burghers were prosperous and well satisfied. 
Whatever large projects were set on foot had been undertaken 
and financed by the Company. Kieft saw that in this emergency 
the Company could not act independently from the people. Too 
much was at stake and besides, the people's actual co-operation 
would be needed. 

Consequently, on August 29, 1641, Kieft convoked a meet- 
ing of the settlers of Manhattan, Breuckelen and Pavonia at Fort 
Amsterdam, to consult with him about the measures to be taken. 
This meeting elected a board of twelve members to advise the 
government in regard to the course to be followed. It was an 


advisory board only and had neither legislative nor executive 
functions. War measures only were to be discussed. 

The original Board of Twelve Men was composed as follows : 
David Pietersen De Vries, president; Jacques Bentyn, Jan Jansen 
Damen, Hendrick Jansen, Maryn Adriaensen, Abram Pietersen 
Van Deursen, Frederick Lubbertsen, Jochem Pietersen Kuyter, 
Gerrit Dircksen Blauw, Joris Rapalje, Abraham Isaacsen Ver- 
planck, Jacob Stoffelsen. Before long, two vacancies occurred 
in the Board, and these were filled by the appointment of Jan 
Evertsen Bout and Jacob Walingsen Van Winkle. 

As is the case with all advisory bodies, this Board was not 
satisfied with merely giving advice, but deemed itself entitled to 
a share in the government. This, Director Kieft could neither 
admit nor grant without the concurrence of the authorities 
in Holland, and on February 18, 1642, the Board of Twelve men 
was abolished. 

The French Missionary among the Indians, the Rev. Isaac 
Jogues, in his Novum Belgium, 1646, gives the following state- 
ment about the origin of the Indian war and the fearful financial 
losses it had caused to the colonists: 

"Some nations near the sea, having killed some Hollanders 
of the most distant settlement, the Hollanders killed one hundred 
and fifty Indians, men, women and children, they, having at 
divers times killed forty Hollanders, burnt many houses, and 
committed ravages estimated, at the time that I was there, at 
200,000L." (Livres tournois or francs worth 2 or 3 times as 
much as francs of our time.) 

The desperate condition of the country, owing to the Indian 
war, rendered it absolutely necessary to again have recourse to 
the people. As a result, the Board of Eight Men was elected 
on September 13, 1643. During its four years of existence, it 
usually met on Saturdays in the Fort and besides advising the 
government in regard to war measures, also was consulted about 
matters of taxation. The following were, from time to time, 
members of this Board: Jochem Pietersen Kuyter, Jan Jansen 
Damen, Barent Dircksen Swart, Abraham Pietersen Van Duur- 
sen, Isaac Allerton, Thomas Hall, Gerrit Wolphertsen Kouwen- 
hoven, Cornelis Melyn, Jan Evertsen Bout, Jacob Stoffelsen, 
John Underbill, Francis Doughty, George Baxter, Richard Smith, 
Gysbert Opdyck, Oloff Stevensen Van Cortlandt. 


This Board, like the earlier one, also had many a lift with 
the authorities. The Eight Men were continually striving for 
popular representation in the government of the country, and 
a decisive vote in the conduct of public affairs. The}' were no 
more successful than the Board of Twelve Men, and on Septem- 
ber 25, 1647, were succeeded by the Board of Nine Men. This 
body, though not yet able to gain for the country a representative 
form of government, had the satisfaction of accomplishing much 
more than its predecessors, and by means of opposition, agitation, 
education and deputations to Holland, secured to the people, 
at least, an indirect share in the conduct of general affairs, and a 
municipal form of government for New Amsterdam. This last 
result, however, was a fair excuse for abolishing the troublesome 
Board of the Nine Men, and they were dismissed with the usher- 
ing in of New Amsterdam's city magistracy. 

The Board was made up of representative men from among 
the merchants, farmers and burghers. Its first duty was to 
promote religion, its second to give advice on matters of general 
interest submitted to the Board by the government. The third 
duty was an innovation and is thus stated by Dr. E. B. O'Cal- 
laghan: "Three of the nine, viz: one Merchant, one Burgher, 
one Farmer were to attend for a month in rotation on the weekly 
Court, as long as civil cases were before it, and to act subsequent- 
ly as Referees or Arbitrators on cases referred to them. If, in 
case of sickness or absence, any of these three could not attend, 
his place was to be filled by another of the Nine Men of the same 
class. Six retired from office annually to be replaced by an equal 
number selected from twelve names sent in by the whole Board. 
They held their sessions in David Provoost's School-room, and 
were the immediate precursors of the Burgomasters and Schepens, 
and of a Municipal form of government in the city of New 

The first meeting of this Board took place in the latter part 
of September, 1647, and was composed as follows: Augustine 
Heerman, Arnoldus Van Hardenbergh and Govert Loockermans 
for the merchants; Jan Jansen Damen, Jacob Wolfertsen Kou- 
wenhoven and Hendrick Kip for the burghers; Michiel Jansen 
Vreeland, Jan Evertsen Bout and Thomas Hall for the farmers. 
Heerman, Locker mans, Kouwenhoven, Kip and Vreeland served 
uninterruptedly till February 2, 1652. Additional members 
appointed during this time were Adriaen Van der Donck, Oloff 


Stevensen Van Cortlandt, Elbert Elbertsen Stoothoff. On 
February 2, 1652, the distinctive class representation not 
only was discontinued, but, preparatory to a city government for 
New Amsterdam, the Board of Nine Men was then confined to 
residents of Manhattan only. These members were as follows: 
David Provost, Willem Beekman, Jacobus Van Corlaer, Allard 
Ant?hony, Isaac De Forest, Arend Van Hattem, Jochem Pietersen 
Kuyter, Paulus Leendertsen Van der Grift and Pieter Cornelissen. 

As Washington, D. C, is governed by the United States 
Congress, so New Amsterdam, prior to 1653, was directly ruled 
by the Director General and Council of New Netherland. Other 
New Netherland communities enjoyed local courts and a limited 
local autonomy, but New Amsterdam's judicial and municipal 
affairs were absolutely administered by the central authorities. 

This condition was largely responsible for the agitation for a 
representative government, which agitation was chiefly conducted 
and directed by residents of New Amsterdam and Manhattan 
Island. In order to appease the people and, for the time beings 
at least, silence the clamor for a representative government 
and a larger popular participation in the conduct of general af- 
fairs. New Amsterdam was granted a municipal administration. 
On February 2, 1653, the Board of Burgomasters and Schepens 
took charge of New Amsterdam's local business, both judicial 
and administrative. This was the excuse for dissolving the 
Board of Nine Men. 

Still, the people of New Amsterdam were greatly pleased 
with their partial victory, and though the clamor for representa- 
tive government did not abate, the agitation for it was conducted 
more reasonably and without the former bitterness. More than 
once the deputies of the entire New Netherland people met as a 
body to discuss affairs of general interest. When, however, the. 
business, on account of which the meeting had been convoked, 
was finished, the deputies were dismissed by the Director General 
and Council, yet the agitation for a more direct popular par- 
ticipation in the affairs of government continued till the close of 
the Dutch rule. 



New Netherland 

Vol. I Special Number No, 8 



Pioneers and Founders of New Netherland 

The Vosburgh Family 

Cosmopolitan New Amsterdam 

Prefixes to Dutch Names 

Een Edele Instelling 

Publisher and Editor 


90 West Street New York, N. Y. 


Ne^v Netherland 

Vol. I Special Number No. 8 

The Vosburgh Family 

By RoYDEN Woodward Vosburgh 

The name of Abraham Pietersen Vosburgh appears in the records, 
as a settler in the colony of Rensselaerswyck as early as August, 
in the year 1649; beginning with Easter in 1651, he paid rent to the 
Patroon of 16 florins a year for a house lot, north of the Patroon's 
house. In the ''Oath to the Patroon taken by all the householders 
and free men of the Colonic, November 23, 1651," we find among the 
names, Abraham Pietersz Vosburg. On April 15, 1652, he was given 
permission by the Court to continue building his house, notwithstand- 
ing the location. On the same day, Abraham Pietersen Vosburgh 
and Derrick Janssen were appointed surveyors of buildings; they 
were sworn in two days later. The duties of Abraham Pietersen \ os- 
burgh as surveyor of buildings also appear to have included the sur- 
veying of land; he held this office up to 1654 and probably later. He 
was by trade a carpenter; and he contracted with the authorities to 
build the first bridges at Beverwyck. March 17, 1654, a warrant was 
issued to the treasurer, "in favor of Abraham Pietersen Vosburgh, 
carpenter," to the amount of 200 florins, for building two bridges. 
May 19, 1654, he was fined for not finishing the bridge over the Second 
Kil. That he experienced difficulty in completing his contract is 
shown in the Court Minutes, for on May 30, 1654, he stated that work 
on the bridge over the Third Kil would be begun in eight days. Fur- 
ther difficulties in the completion of the work took place in June, and 
he was compelled to employ Andries De Vos as his attorney to protect 
his interests. September 2, 1654, a warrant was issued to the treas- 

114 The New Netherland Register 

urer, ''in favor of Abraham Pietersen Vosburgh for his work on the 
two bridges in Beverwyck." But this did not settle the matter by 
any means, because as late as May i, 1655, the Court granted him 
delay in paying his fines for not completing the work on time. 

Through his occupation as carpenter and bridge builder, Abraham 
Pietersen Vosburgh became a sawmill operator and owner. Hans 
Jansz Enchuys, or Hans Jansz from Rotterdam, conducted several 
sawmills in the colony. On September 30, 1656, Hans Jansz and 
Abraham Pietersz Vosburch obtained a lease of the water power on 
the creek south of the farm of Jan Barentsz Wemp. The lease com- 
menced January i, 1657, and ran for six successive years; rent, 100 
guilders or 100 good merchantable boards and two pair of fowls each 
year. A condition of the lease was that the lessees were not to sell 
liquor to the Indians. A sawmill was erected on the creek, which was 
in later years known as Wynant's Kil. Hans Jansz was more or less 
of a silent partner in this enterprise; at least his name never appears 
again in the records in connection with it. On August 26, 1658, 
Abraham (Pietersen) Voschborgh brought a suit against Wynant 
Gerritsen (Van Der Poel) ; he complained about Wynant Gerritsen's 
absence from the sawmill and that he had not put in his full time at 
work there, according to their contract; the case was referred to 
arbitrators for settlement. 

On January 29, 1657, Abraham Pieterse Vosburgh proposed to 
sell his house and lot in Beverwyck to the highest bidder. The lot 
was 10 rods deep and 4 rods wide; it was next to Thomas Clabbort's 
(Chambers) lot. This paper is imperfect and unexecuted and there 
is no evidence that a sale was made; but it is important as it shows 
that Thomas Chambers was his neighbor, this being the Thomas 
Chambers who was one of the early settlers at Esopus (Wildwyck 
or Kingston). 

The last events in the life of Abraham Pietersen Vosburgh are 
found in the documents relating to the early history of the Esopus 
settlement. After a hostile demonstration by the Esopus Indians, 
Director Stuyvesant visited the place in the month of June, 1658. 

The following is from his journal covering the visit: "Four 
carpenters came also on the i8th, engaged by Mrs. de Hulter to remove 
her house, barns and sheds (within the stockade) and on the 19th 
three more, whom I had asked and engaged at Fort Orange to make a 
bridge over the Kil. They were also to help the others remove their 
buildings, for which they had asked me before my departure for Fort 
Orange." While there is no mention of the name of Abraham Pietersen 
Vosburgh at this time, there is a strong supposition that he was among 




The New Netherland Register 115 

the carpenters that came from Albany; this is strengthened by the fact 
that Director Stuyvesant went to Albany from Esopus "as we were 
much in need of a few five and six inch planks for building a guard- 
house and some carpenters to help us at our work," according to his 
journal. (See suit brought by Geertruy Vosburgh, in 1661, for pay- 
ment of boards delivered at Wildwyck.) The outlying settlers with- 
drew within the stockade for better protection, and no further severe 
encounters with the Indians took place until September, 1659. The 
documentary history of what transpired in that month is somewhat 
obscure; the facts, however, as far as they relate to Abraham Pietersen 
Vosburgh, are definite and clear enough to admit of no doubt. 

Thomas Chambers engaged eight Esopus Indians to break off 
corn-ears for him, while he was gathering his crops for the winter. 
On Saturday, after the day's work, he unwisely gave them a quantity 
of brandy, probably as a reward for good service during the week. 
The Indians retired a short distance away, and after drinking the 
brandy they became noisy and quarrelsome; the supply being ex- 
hausted, they tried to obtain more brandy from Chambers, but were 
unable to do so. The debauch continued well on into the night, and 
after a time soldiers were sent out from the fort to ascertain the cause 
of the disturbance. When the reconnoitering party approached the 
Indians, for some unexplained reason they became alarmed (possibly 
by the rustling of the bushes in the wind) and thinking that they were 
being attacked, they fired upon the drunken savages and one of the 
Indians was killed. As a direct result of this ill-advised and apparently 
unprovoked night attack, Abraham Pietersen Vosburgh lost his life. 
The Esopus Indians, always warlike and troublesome, were quick to 
revenge themselves upon the settlers. The next morning, Sunday, 
they began to make threatening demonstrations, and a dispatch was 
prepared to be sent up the river to Albany, to notify the Vice-Director 
of the turn affairs had taken. After dispatching the letter to the 
General, on a yacht hired for the purpose, by Jacob Jansen Stoll and 
Thomas Clabbert, the escort party while returning to the Fort were 
surprised by the Indians, and ''at the tennis-court near the strand 
they allowed themselves to be taken prisoners." There were thirteen 
men in the party that was captured. The Sergeant with five soldiers: 
Thomas Clabbert; Jacob Jansen Stoll, (or Jacob Hab) who was badly 
wounded; "a carpenter, Abraham by name;'' Pieter Dircks and his 
man; Evert Pelt's (Pels') boy; and Lewies the Frenchman, who was 
killed. In a letter from Vice-Director La Montague to Director Stuy- 
vesant, dated September 26, 1659, he states that the capture took 
place "at the Esopus last Sunday the 21st inst. about i\xxi o'clock in 

116 The New Netherland Register 

the afternoon" and in the list of those captured, the name Abraham 
Vosburgh appears in the place of Abraham, the carpenter. 

The next day, Thomas Clabbert was exchanged for a savage, and 
one soldier escaped during the night, leaving ten in captivity. An 
account of certain Catskill Indians, giving their story of the origin 
of the affair is without date, but states that: "Thomas Chambers is 
free again, five have been cut in the head with a hatchet, one has 
been shot dead, the Sergeant is still living with two others." It is 
probable that the prisoners who were scalped were put to death 
shortly after their capture; one historian says that they were ''burned 
at the stake," but I have not found the documentary evidence to 
support this statement, and it seems unhkely that Stuyvesant would 
have let such an outrage as this pass unmentioned in his dispatches. 
A letter to Director Stuyvesant from Ensign Smidt of the garrison 
at Esopus, dated November i, 1659, states that as a result of the good 
efforts of two "Mahikander" Indians, two prisoners were returned to 
the Fort "on the first of this month." They were a soldier named 
Pieter Lamertzen, and a free man named Pieter Hillebrantzen. 
Again in a letter from Ensign Smidt to Vice-Director La Montague, 
dated November 13, 1659, he says: "it is true we have got back two 
prisoners, but they keep the boy yet and have killed all the others." 
The boy of Evert Pels was still in captivity as late as February 24, 
1660. According to tradition, his life was saved by an Indian maiden 
whom he afterwards married, and it is said that he refused to be ex- 
changed or ransomed. 

The letter from Ensign Smidt reporting the uprising of the Indians 
at Esopus, gives the date of the capture as September 20th. But 
according to the calendar, September 21st was Sunday, and the last 
date is undoubtedly correct. September 21, 1659, is also assumed to 
have been the date of the death of Abraham Pietersen Vosburgh, as 
it cannot have been more than a few days from that, in any event. 

Geertruy Pieterse Coeymans 

Although Abraham Pietersen Vosburgh met his death in the 
prime of manhood, and probably when under the age of forty years, 
his family was not destined to become extinct. The task of raising his 
three sons, who became progenitors of the thousands bearing the name 
Vosburgh in this country, fell to his widow, Geertruy Pieterse, a 
sister of Parent Pieterse Coeymans, the miller of Norman's Kil. The 
story of her life as it comes down to us is gleaned principally from 

The New Netherland Register 117 

the Fort Orange Court records. Her name api)ear.s before the Court 
many times, both as plaintiff and defendant. The causes of the suits 
are often trivial and many of them are not alluded to here; Geertruy 
was perhaps too zealous in preserving her rights, and in so doing she 
seems to have made more enemies than friends. The life of the early 
settlers was not an easy one under the most favorable conditions. 
She was left a widow with four or five small children, all under the 
age of ten years; she had to fight her way with this burden in a com- 
munity where hard manual labor was almost the sole means of liveli- 
hood. Her husband's estate consisted of a partnership in the sawmill 
at Wynant's Kil, with Wynant Gerritsen Van der Poel, which was 
more or less encumbered with outstanding accounts, some being 
assets and some being liabilities. Her husband kept a book of accounts 
to which reference is made in one of her suits in the Kingston Court 
records. As she was robbed of the sheltering arm of a husband, it is 
not surprising that Geertruy resorted often to the Courts as her only 
means of protection. She did not marry again, within a year or two, 
as was usually the custom with the early settlers, but remained a 
widow for nearly ten years and fought her battles unaided. Her 
second marriage, with Albert Andriessen Bratt, was short-lived and 
ended in divorce. 

The name of "Geertruyt Pieters, wife of Abraham Pietersen 
Vosburgh," first appears in the Court records on September i, 1654, 
when she did not appear although summoned for the third time. On 
December 17, 1658, she brought an action against Annetie Lievens, 
wife of Goosen Gerritsen, "for payment of some coronets (or chaplets) 
which she loaned defendant; the latter pleads that she and Maria 
Wesselsen being bridesmaids, borrowed the articles in common; they 
are ordered to pay the bill between them." On June 15, 1660, Adriaen 
Jansen from Leyden, attorney of the widow of Abraham Vosburg, 
brought action against Wynant Gerritsen for delivery of a sawmill; 
judgment for plaintiff. On November 8, 1661, she sued Jan \^an 
Breemen in the court at Kingston for payment for 200 boards to be 
delivered at Wildwyck (Kingston). This may have been an old 
account for boards that were sold by Abraham Pietersen \'osburgh, 
but it is not possible to determine this from the Court records. The 
next suit, brought also in Kingston, on October 31, 1662, shows that 
she was still collecting debts due her husband. The defendant was 
Marten Harmensen. ''Complainant demands payment of the amount 
of 53 gldrs 8 St. originating from debts for liquor as per bill shown by 
her, and which she says has been taken from her husband's book." 

On March 20, 1663, Geertruy Pieters, widow of Abraham \^os- 

118 The New Netherland Register 

burgh, et al. leased to Wynant Gerritsen Van der Poel, her half of the 
sawmill south of Jan Barentsen Wemp's farm, for a term of four years. 
A valuation of the property appears in Notarial Papers, Vol. II, page 
393. Translation from the Dutch: 

"To day the 6th of November 1663 have Willem Bout and Pieter Meesen 
(Vrooman), accompanied by ******, at the request of Wynant Gerritze 
and under instructions of the magistrates of the Colony of Rensselaers- 
wyck, visited, inspected and valued according to their best knowledge the 
Sawmill and the dwelling house belonging to Wynant and to the Widow of 
Abraham Vosburgh in partnership, as the same stands at present. They value 
the mill and the dwelling house (which were in very bad shape) at twelve 
hundred and fifty guilders in Sewant. [Wampum.] 

"List of Tools (belonging to the partnership.) 

7 upper ; 9 under — ; 4 ; 1 -; 

1 long saw; 1 short saw; 1 set iron; 1 saw set; 7 old saws; 1 ; 1 heap 

of old iron." 

Geertruy Vosburgh and Wynant Gerritsen were unable to agree 
in their partnership, and on February 4, 1668-9, the Court decided 
'4n relation to the case of Wynant Gerritsen Van Der Poel vs. Geer- 
truy Vosburgh, either that they come to an amicable settlement, or 
that the saw-mill owned in partnership, be sold at auction." On May 
10, 1 67 1, Geertruy Vosburgh sued Wynant Gerritsen for pay for the 
mill formerly owned in partnership; and on July 31, the partnership 
accounts were brought into court. On October 18, 1674, Geertruy^ 
late widow of Abraham Pietersen Vosburgh, sold to Wynant Gerritsen 
Van der Poel her half of the sawmill in the Colony of Rensselaerswyck, 
on the east side of the river, standing on the Kil, opposite Philipp 
Schuyler's bouwery, and south of Jeronimus Ebbinck's bouwery. 
This ended the transactions relating to the sawmill on Wynant's Kil. 

Land in Albany was patented to Geertruy Vosburgh on September 
6, 1667, being described as follows: "Lot No. 3, 36^^ x 6 rods, on the 
west side of Pearl street, about 150 feet north of State street." On 
November 6, 1685, she sold this lot to Johannes Beekman: ''Lot 
bounded south by Johannes Beekman, north by Luycas Gerritsen et 
al., west by Omy La Grangie and Jan Byvanck, and east by the street." 
On August 6, 1683, Geertruy Vosburgh contributed to the support 
of the new minister at Albany, Dominie Godfridus Delius, ''two 
pieces of eight." 

Geertruy Pietersen Vosburgh married about 1669, Albert Andri- 
essen Bratt of Norman's Kil, who was a widower. On January 13, 
1669-70, Geertruy t Vosburch asks that the marriage contract with 
her husband may be enforced and that he may be reprimanded for 

The New Netherland Register 119 

his extravagance; so ordered. May 2, 1670, Resolved to order a 
division of the property between Geertruy Vosburch and her husband. 
July 27, 1670, order to sell the property of Geertruyt Vosburch and 
her husband, for the purpose of division. On October 24, 1670, the 
governor gave an order for the separation of Albert Andriese and 
Geertruy Vosburgh because ''strife and difference hath arisen between 
them." July 31, 167 1, Geertruyt Vosburgh sued Aelbert Andriessen 
for arrears of alimony. August 13, 1672, Geertruyt Vosburch asks 
for satisfaction of demands on her former husband, Aelbert Andri- 
essen; referred to the judgment of August 25, 167 1. After her divorce, 
Geertruy continued to use the name Vosburgh ; in fact, as far as the 
evidence in the records is concerned, it is probable that she never used 
the name Bratt at any time. This whole unfortunate matrimonial 
venture can hardly have occupied more than a year and a half. 

In 1676, Geertruy Vosburgh sued Jan Tyssen Goes for trespass 
on some land at the Half Moon, at Kinderhook. This was probably 
the same land that she occupied there for her eldest son, Pieter. 
Report of this suit appeared at least three times in court, but owing to 
shortness of time, the documents were not translated. After 1681 
and possibly before that year, Geertruy Vosburgh was a resident of 
Kinderhook; she probably lived with her eldest son, Pieter. Trans- 
lations of two court actions follow. While the events are of trivial 
importance, they still throw an interesting light on the everyday 
occurrences in the lives of the early settlers at Kinderhook. 

"July 5, 1681. Pr. Borsie, from Kinderhook, plaintiff, vs. Geertruy Vos- 
burgh, defendant. Plaintiff says that defendant has accused his wife of theft 
of her chickens and that she has proofs of it (the accusation). Defendant says 
that some of her chickens remain with the plaintiff (that is to say, Geertruy's 
chickens are in the plaintiff's yard) but she denies having accused her of theft. 
The Hon. Court, having heard the case, threw it out of court, as being too 
unimportant to be dealt with, and condemns both parties to pay the costs. 

"September 5, 1682. Andries Jacobse Gardenier, plaintiff, vs. Geertruy 
Vosburgh, defendant. Plaintiff complains that one of his pigs has been bitten 
to death, on the land of Geertruy Vosburgh and that her land lies open (un- 
fenced). Plaintiff asks for damages. Defendant denies that she has caused 
his pig to be bitten to death and says that her land is not open. The Court 
orders that the plaintiff's demand be dismissed, as there is no proof. Plaintiff 
to pay the costs." 

Both these cases show that Geertruy was a woman of sharp wits and 
well able to look out for herself, when appearing in court. She had 
evidently profited by her long experience in other cases, and had 
learned most of the legal tricks. 

120 The New Netherland Register 

The closing years of Geertruy Vosburgh's life were spent at 
Kinderhook, surrounded by the families of her sons, whom she saw 
become men of affairs in that community, and in their success in life 
she must have felt that her early struggles and trials were well repaid. 

Abraham Pietersen Vosburgh. The Record of His Family. 

b. about 1620; died September 21, 1659; 
m. Geertruy Pieterse Coeymans. 

I Pieter b. about 1652; 

m. Jannetje Barentse. 

II Jacob b. about 1654; died 1732; 

m. Dorothea Janse Van Alstyne. 

III Marietje b. about 1656; died before 1698; 

m. October 20, 1689, Albany, Isaac Janse Van Alstyne. 

IV Isaac b. about 1658; died 1760-65; 

m. August I, 1686, Albany, Annetje Jans Goes. 

V Abraham b. about 1660, doubtful, no records found concerning 


Pieter Vosburgh 

Although the eldest son of Abraham, Pieter was the last of the 
three brothers to have children, and he is the progenitor of the smallest 
branch of the Vosburgh family. He married Jannetje Barentse, 
daughter of Barent Meyndersen and Eytje, his wife. The marriage 
took place as early as 1689 and probably before 1683. Pieter Vos- 
burgh was administrator for the estate of his father-in-law, who died 
about 1689. Pieter Vosburgh made his will before he had any children ; 
when the will was made he apparently had no expectation of having 
any issue, and the will contains no provisions for his children. The 
original will is recorded in Notarial Papers, Volume II, page 564. It 
was at first dated May i, 1690, this date being scratched out and June 
29, 1690, substituted. A translation of the will follows: 

In the name of God, Amen. Let it be known to everybody whom it may 
concern that on the 29th of June, 1690, being the 2d year of the reign of 
William and Mary, King and Queen of Great Britain, there appeared at 
Albany Pieter Vosburgh, residing at Kinderhook, firm and strong of body, 
going and standing [i. e. of sound mind and in good health] possessing his mind 
and reason, understanding and speech as was evident, who considering the 
frailty of life and the uncertain hour of death, hath deemed it advisable from 
his own free will, without persuasion or inducement of whomsoever in the 

The New Netherland Register 121 

world, not to leave this world before having disposed of his temporal estate, 
granted to him from the Almighty. 

Commending his soul into the hands of God and desiring for his body a 
Christian burial, he nominates and appoints as his only universal and general 
heir, as he is doing by this instrument, his wife Jannetje, of all his estate 
and goods, notliing in the world excepted, of his lands, houses, ground, in- 
ventory, cattle, money (coined and uncoined) actions and credits, or what- 
ever be the name, with full power of possessing, selling or encumbering the 
same, in the same manner as the testator could do during his life. He does 
not want her to be molested by his brothers, sisters (or in case they have died 
by their child or children, or during their minority by the guardians or relatives 
of such children) or anyone else, to give account or inventory of the estate, 
much less to furnish bond or security; Ijut it is his positive will that she shall 
be administratrix and executrix of the entire estate and all the goods. But 
an expressed condition of the testator's will is that his said wife shall cede to 
his brothers all his linen and woolen clothing and besides give to the same 
fifty beavers or their lawful equivalent. Besides his brother Isaak shall 
have the half of the land of the farm at the Kinderhook, situated on the 
"Groote Stuck," provided he pay half of what is still due on account of the 
farm. Besides, Adriaantje, the sister of his said wife shall have two cows 
without any dispute whatever, under conditions as above. But in case it 
should happen that the testator and his wife should die without certainty of 
who of both had died first, it is his last will and desire that his entire estate 
shall be divided into two equal parts for the next of kin and legal heirs of 
both sides, to wit one legal half to the kinsmen of the testator and the other 
legal half to the kinsmen of his said wife. 

All the above statements the said testator declares to constitute his 
testament and last will which he wishes [to be carried out] in detail, be it as 
testament, codicil, donation for life among the living, or any other disposals 
whatever their name be, even if all solemnities and forms of law and adminis- 
tration should not have been observed, petitioning hereby the benefice of 
justice for the maintenance of the same. And in testimony of the truth he 
has signed and sealed this with his own hand, the 29th of June at Albany, 
1690, as above. 

(Signed) Pieter Vosburgh. 
Signed and sealed in our presence: 

Arnout Corneliszen Viele, 

Johannes Becker, Jr. 

In my presence: J. Becker. 

There is no record of the date of probate of this will, but it is cer- 
tain that Pieter Vosburgh lived for many years after it was made. 
The fact that no mention is made in the will of his mother, Geertruy, 
indicates to my mind that she was deceased before it was made. The 
will was executed about three months after the burning of Sche- 
nectady; and during the summer of 1690 an expedition was assembled 
at Albany for the purpose of making an attack upon the French. The 
supposition is that Pieter Vosburgh made his will because he expected 

122 The New Netherland Register 

to join this expedition. The preceding document in the Notarial 
Papers, is dated July 23, 1690. It is the "Will of Jan Lucasse (Wyn- 
gaard) having fled from his lands at Schenectady and intending to 
engage in a warlike expedition against the French & Indians." The 
two wills are not written on the same kind of paper, showing that at 
some subsequent period they were bound with the rest of the book. 

On December 9, 1676, a lease was recorded from Louwrens Van 
Alen to Pieter Vosburgh, for five Morgens of land at Kinderhook (a 
Morgen was two acres), and also a piece called the Achterland (rear 
tract) in the Groot Stuck; the lease ran for six years, commencing in 
August, 1676. At about the same time Geertruy Vosburgh bought 
from Maria Van Ness one-fourth part of the Groot Stuck. On October 
8, 1678, Maria Van Ness brought suit against Geertruy for the pay- 
ment of 150 whole beaverskins already due on this purchase. On 
November 5, 1678, Pieter Vosburgh assumed the indebtedness of his 
mother and agreed to make the various payments. In later years, 
apparently for the purpose of finally clearing the title to this land, 
the heirs of Pieter Van Alen, under date of June 30, 1695, sold Pieter 
Vosburgh one-quarter of the Groot Stuck, "as occupied by Geertruyt 
Vosburgh for her eldest son Pieter the grantee." Here is positive 
proof that Pieter was the eldest son. Pieter Vosburgh was engaged in 
numerous other land transactions, but the final disposition of the land 
owned by him cannot be traced from the Albany county records He 
was one of the grantees of the Kinderhook Patent, receiving six allot- 
ments. On July 6, 17 13, Pieter Vosburgh, Johannis Van Alen and 
Pieter Van Buren obtained by exchange from Jesina Gardenier and 
her husband. Evert Wheeler, "the water Course of a Certain kill or 
Creek, called or known by the name of Valleties kill, for them to Erect 
and build a Saw mill thereon, above the bridge which leads to Pom- 
poenick from groot Stuck." This land was at Valatie. 

Pieter Vosburgh was sworn in on May 27, 1691, as one of the 
Justices of Albany city and county. He held court at Kinderhook; 
according to the records he held this office until the year 1696, and 
probably later. On June 8, 1703, a certificate of the election of Pieter 
Vosburgh, Lammert Janse and Pieter Verslyke, as Trustees of the 
town of Kinderhook, was filed at Albany. He continued to hold office 
as a Trustee, until April i, 1707, and probably later. Pieter Vosburgh 
was elected an Elder of the Kinderhook church, in 17 16, and probably 
he had held the office from the first organization of the church. The 
last time that his name appears in the records is among the freeholders 
and inhabitants of Kinderhook, in the year 1720. At this time he was 
about seventy years of age. No record of his death has been found. 

The New Netherland Register 123 


b. about 1652; 

m. before 1689, Jannetje Barentse, daughter of Barent Meyndert- 
sen and Eytje, his wife. 

I Geertruy b. about 1691; no record of baptism; m. May 20, 

1708, Albany, Pieter Van Buren. 

II Eytje bp. June 11, 1693, Albany; m. Jan Tysen Goes. 

III Abraham bp. January 20, 1695, Albany; m. Elizabeth Winne. 

IV Barent bp. November 7, 1697, Albany; m. Jannetje Van 


V Meyndert bp. January 4, 1702, Albany. 

Jacob Vosburgh 

It seems certain that Jacob Vosburgh was the first one of the 
second generation to become married, and his eldest son, Abraham, 
must have been the first grandchild of Geertruy Vosburgh. He set 
up an establishment for himself at Kinderhook, when he leased from 
Louwrens Van Alen, on May 7, 1678, a farm and one-half of an island 
occupied by Pieter Moree. The lease ran for six years; the home- 
stead, which consisted of a house, barns and two haystacks, was 
surrounded by a fence, valued at 31 whole merchantable beaverskins 
at 8 guilders the piece. His name was affixed to the lease as Jacob 
Abrahamse Vosburgh, and his mark, made by himself appears as 
I A V B. This lease fixes approximately the date of his marriage to 
Dorothea Janse Van Alstyne. 

From 1677 to 1682, a number of unimportant suits appear in the 
court records, bearing his name; most of the suits were brought 
against him for debt. On June 12, 1677, Gerrit Teunissen sued Geer- 
truy Vosburgh, for debt due by her son, Jacob Vosburgh. On the 
same day, Jacob Vosburgh sued Gerrit Teunise, for the expenses of a 
trip to Wostenhoock, probably by way of a counterclaim. On August 
24, 1 68 1, he sold a negro named Terk, to Dierck Hermensz for 37 
beaverskins; payment to be completed by May i, 1682. On August 
6, 1683, he contributed to the support of the new minister at Albany, 
Dominie Godfridus Dellius, ''one and one half pieces of eight." On 
the contribution list, his name appears just below the name of his 
mother, Geertruy, — another proof of his early marriage and indicating 
that he was the head of a family. On July 16, 1681, Jacob Vosburgh 

124 The New Netherland Register 

bought from Marten Cornelise Vas, ^'a bouwery at Kinderhook" 
consisting of the one-fourth part of the Groote Stuck, containing a 
house and barn, and also the plow and harrow on the premises. At the 
time of the purchase, this farm was occupied by Pieter Bosie whose 
tenancy did not expire until May i, 1682. Jacob Vosburgh agreed to 
deliver the winter wheat sown by Pieter Bosie, one-half to Marten 
Cornelisen (Vas) and the remainder to Bosie. This was the same 
Pieter Borsie who sued Geertruy about the chickens. 

On January 4, 1681, Jacob Abrahamse Vosburgh appeared in 
court at Albany and took the oath as Constable of Kinderhook, for one 
year or until further orders; he was authorized to demand from 
Jochem Lambertse, his predecessor, "the constable staff and the in- 
structions." He held this office until May 5, 1685, when he was 
relieved from the duties, with the thanks of the Court for his services 
and "Dirck Hendricks Bye, elected by the majority of the inhabitants 
of Kinderhook, was sworn in as constable, entering service imme- 
diately." This is the last time that his name appears in the Albany 
County records, in connection with Kinderhook. He was one of the 
grantees of the Kinderhook Patent, but no record can be found of the 
transfer of the several Allotments made to him. According to the cen- 
sus of Albany County, taken on June 16, 1697, Jacob Vosburgh was at 
that time no longer a resident of Kinderhook. At some time between 
1685 and 1697 he removed to Livingston Manor, where he was one of 
the first settlers. The house of Jacob Vosburgh appears upon a map of 
Livingston Manor, made on the 20th day of October, 17 14, by John 
Beatty, deputy surveyor. It was situated on the bank of Roeloflf 
Jansen's kil, about five or six miles southeast of the manor house, near 
a point where the road leading to the manor house crossed the kil. 
Huntting's history of the Nine Partners tract states that "Justin Vos- 
burg " was with Mr. Livingston and Beatty, when the line for the south- 
ern boundary of the Manor was surveyed. In some way the name "Jus- 
tin" has been copied for "Justice," which is probably the way the 
name appears in the field book of the survey. On June 6, 1722, the 
Grand Jury of Albany County sent in their presentment against Jacob 
Vosburgh, Esq., for giving a judgment which was not in his power, 
concerning a cow — the property of John Bernhard. This transaction 
undoubtedly took place in Livingston Manor, which was taken off 
from Dutchess County and annexed to Albany County in the year 
1 717. It is evident from the presentment that Jacob Vosburgh was a 
Justice in the year 1722. Jacob Vosburgh is listed among the inhabi- 
tants of Dutchess County, in the census of 17 14. Four of his sons — 
Abraham, Jan, Dirk and Marten— were members of the Independent 

The New Netherl/Wd Regisij.k 


Company of the Manor of Livingston, as the company was mustered 
at the Manor house on November 30, 171 5. ()n July 4, 1722, Jacob 
Vosburgh was elected one of the P>lders of the Linlithgo church, and 
he was installed on the following day. He held this office until his 
death; on October 15, 1732, Coenrat Ham was installed as an Elder 
there "in the place of the deceased Jacob Vosburgh." Thus approxi- 
mately the date of his death is determined; he was about eighty 
years of age at the time. 

Jacob Vosburgh was the [)rogenitor of by far the largest branch of 
the Vosburgh family; in the early generations his descendants re- 
mained principally near where he settled, that is on Livingston Manor 
and in upper Dutchess County. 

Jacob Vosburgh. The Record of His Family. 
b. about 1654; died 1732; 

m. Dorothea Janse Van Alstyne, daughter of Jan Martensen de 
Wever and Derckien Hermanse. (See the Xew 
Nether land Register, Volume I, page 20). 
I Abraham b. about 1680; no record of baptism; m. about 1705, 
Claartje Bressy. 

II Jan 

b. about 1683; no record of baptism; m. about 171 

Cornelia Knickerbacker. 

bp. May 23, 1686, Albany; m. February 18, 171 7, 
Albany, Dirkie Van Alstyne. 

bp. June 16, 1689, Albany. 

bp. December 31, 1693, Albany; m. April 8, 1729, 
Kinderhook, Alida Van Alen. 

b. about 1695; no record of baptism; m. May 21,, 
1725, Albany, Evert Knickerbocker. 

bp. Jan. 31, 1697, Albany; m. ist, October 21, 1719, 
Albany, Eytje Van Buren; m. 2nd, Betje \'an 

bp. November 12, 1699, Kingston; m. Jacob Decker. 

bp. July 10, 1703, Kingston; m. August 9, 1734, Kin- 
derhook, Mattheus Goes. 
X Jacob (Jr.) doubtful. 










[ Marten 

VIII Marytje 



Isaac Vosburgh 

Isaac Vosburgh, the youngest of the three brothers, was born 
about 1658. He is the progenitor of a large branch of the family, a 

126 The New Netherland Register 

restless branch, strongly characterized with the pioneer instincts. 
His descendants spread out in all directions; and within two genera- 
tions we find them in Massachusetts, Connecticut, Vermont, the 
Mohawk Valley and the Province of Quebec. The Albany and Cox- 
sackie members of the family originate through this line. 

Isaac Vosburgh first appears in the Albany court records, while 
still a minor. On September 5, 1676, his brother Pieter sued Jan 
Thyse Goes, for an assault upon Isaac committed in Pieter's barn. 
The wife of Jan Thyse saw Isaac chasing her husband's cows; she told 
Jan Thyse. Whereupon he jumped over the fence, and according to 
his own testimony, admitted that he had hit the lad (Isaac) once. It 
appeared in the testimony that the fence was in bad condition and that 
Jan Thysen's cows were on the Vosburgh land at the time that Isaac 
was chasing them. Goes was fined for the assault, and also he had to 
pay the costs of the action. Before his marriage, Isaac lived with his 
brother Pieter on the homestead farm on the "Groot Stuck." One of 
the provisions in Pieter's will, made in 1690, was that his "brother 
Isaak shall have half of the land of the farm at the Kinderhook, 
situated on the Groote Stuck, provided he pay half of what is still 
due on account of the farm." 

On August I, 1686, the first banns were pronounced at Albany, 
of the marriage of Isaac Vosburgh and Annatje Jans Goes, daughter of 
Jan Thyse Goes, mentioned above. On April 2, 1713, Pieter Vos- 
burgh sold Isaac a part of the land on Kinderhook Creek, at Papon- 
oeick, and Isaac also bought adjoining land from Dirck Wessels Ten 
Broeck, which he shortly afterward sold to Abraham Van Alstyne. 
There is no record of Isaac Vosburgh owning land before the year 1713. 
He may possibly have been regarded as the owner of one-half of the 
homestead farm, although the title still remained in Pieter's name. 
Isaac Vosburgh was not one of the original grantees, in the partition 
of the Kinderhook Patent. The name of Isaac Vosburgh and also of 
Pieter Vosburgh appear in the several lists of the inhabitants of 
Kinderhook, as follows: Census of the City and County of Albany, 
June 16, 1697; a petition of Protestants to King William III, dated 
December 3, 1701; inhabitants and freeholders of the City and County 
of Albany in 1720. Isaac Vosburgh was a private in Capt. Abraham 
Van Alstyne's company, according to the muster roll of the company, 
dated September 17, 17 15. This was evidently a Kinderhook com- 
pany. So far as can be ascertained, he held no public office. 

Isaac Vosburgh probably lived to the advanced age of 105 years, 
and died at Kinderhook about 1760-65. The Balance and Columbian 
Repository was a weekly paper, published at Hudson, N. Y. In its 

The New Netherland Register 127 

early numbers, there appears a very interesting serial article entitled, 
''Notes on the Natural History of Kinderhook." In the part of this 
article published on February g, 1802, in Volume i, No. 6, the author 
mentions that one of the characteristics of the town is the longevity 
of the inhabitants, and cites the following instances: — "Isaac Vos- 
burgh of this place was 105 years of age when he died — Eliza Vosburgh 
was 93 — another woman of the same name was 95." This article was 
written before the year 1802. A careful analysis of all the known 
Isaacs in the Vosburgh family leaves only two that the article can 
refer to. I do not hesitate to affirm that it is almost a certainty that 
the Isaac written of here is the one who lived to that advanced age. 
There may be some small discrepancy in the age given; that is more 
than likely, depending of course upon where the author obtained his 
information. If he read the inscription on Isaac's grave, it is more 
likely to be accurate than any tradition handed down, which would 
possibly have been subject to some exaggeration. The only other 
Isaac who could have been 105 years old in 1802, is the fourth son of 
Jacob Vosburgh and Dorothea Janse Van Alstyne; he belonged to the 
Livingston Manor branch of the family. It is true that some of this 
Isaac's brothers were residents at Kinderhook after they were married, 
but the name of Isaac never appears as a sponsor for any of their 
children. The record of this Isaac appears to end with his baptism, 
as it also begins. 

Isaac Vosburgh. The Record of His Family. 

b. about 1658; d. about 1760-65; 

m. August I. 1686, (first banns) Albany, Annetje Jans Goes, 
daughter of Jan Tysz and Steyntje Jans. 

I Abraham bp. October 16, 1687, Albany; died young. 

II Geertruy bp. April 4, 1689, Albany; died young. 

III Pieter bp. August 3, 1690, Albany; m. January 30, 

1720, Helena Goes; marriage recorded at Albany 
and Kinderhook. 

IV Jan (Johannes) bp. August 28, 1692, Albany; m. May 24, 1722, 

Albany, Maria Van Buren. 

V Geertruy bp. January 17, 1694, Albany. 

VI Abraham bp. March 11, 1696, Albany; m, October 11, 

1 7 19, Albany, Geertie Van den Bergh; he died 

VII Styntje bp. November 7, 1697, Albany; m. June 16, 

(Christina) 1721, Albany, Jochum Calliers (Collier). 

128 The New Netherland Register 

VIII Jacob bp. September 3, 1699, Albany; m. January 16, 

1737, Kinderhook, Cornelia Goes. 

IX Antje bp. January 4, 1702, at Kinderhook; baptism 

recorded at Albany; m. February 15, 1725, Al- 
bany, Theunis Van Slyck, Jr.; she died before 

X Isaac bp. February 13, 1704, at Kinderhook; baptism 

recorded at Albany; m. ist, February i, 1735, 
Kinderhook, Johanna Winschil; m. 2nd, at 
Windsor, Conn., September 11, 1750, Ann 
Loomis, widow of Stephen Gillett; Isaac died 
December 2, 1771, at Sheffield, Mass. Second 
marriage and death from Wintonbury parish 

XI Marytje bp. February 22, 1708, Albany; m. 1728, 

Kinderhook, Pieter Van Valkenburgh. 

Abraham Vosburgh 

Abraham Vosburgh was the. sixth child of Isaac Vosburgh and 
Annetje Jans Goes. He probably left Kinderhook before his marriage 
and went to Albany, not being satisfied to spend his life on the Kinder- 
hook farm as a husbandman and tiller of the soil. Here is the first 
example of the restless spirit of the descendants of Isaac Vosburgh, 
already referred to before. Abraham was the founder of the Albany 
branch of the family. At Albany in the year 17 19, he sought and ob- 
tained in marriage the hand of Geertje Van Den Bergh, the daughter 
of Willem Gysbertz Van Den Bergh and Catryn Wynantsz Van Der 
Poel. Catryn Van Der Poel was the eldest daughter of Wynant 
Gerritsen, the partner of Abraham Pietersen Vosburgh in the sawmill 
at Wynant's Kil. On March 25, 1721, Abraham Vosburgh bought 
from the City of Albany, a lot 35 x 120 feet, at the foot of Gallows hill; 
this lot was on the west or upper side of South Pearl Street between 
Beaver and Hudson Streets. This lot was probably his home while 
he remained in Albany. 

On April 30, 1728, Abraham Vosburgh leased from the city, for 
a term of twenty-five years, two acres of land on " Gallo hill for ye use 
of a brick kiln and plain." The land was on both sides of a kil (Rutten 
creek) east of Luykas Hoghkerk's lot; rent twelve shillings per year. 
And here he established his brick yard, a business which he himself 

The New Nethekland Reoistek 129 

continued for about ten years. On November 14, 1729, Abraham 
Vosburgh and Johannes Redcliffe were appointed Firemasters of the 
First Ward of the City of Albany. That the brick yard was a prosper- 
ous venture is evidenced by the fact that in 1732 Abraham Vosburgh 
applied to the Common Council for more land on Gallows hill. On 
October 12, 1733, he secured an additional strip of land, twelve rods 
long and forty feet wide, at a rental of twenty shillings per year, for 
a term of three years; in addition to the higher rent, he had to make a 
payment of three pounds down and he was "to pay for the writing." 
All of which shows that the city fathers on this occasion drove a much 
better bargain than at the time of the opening of the brick kiln; 
possibly in this year Albany was experiencing its first wa\'e of reform 
in politics. How long the brick yard on Gallows hill existed is not 
certain; but probably it was continued at least to the end of the 
twenty-five year lease. After Abraham left Albany, it was conducted 
by his sons, Isaac and Willem. 

In the year 1738, when about forty-two years of age, Abraham 
Vosburgh decided to leave the city and to return to the farm life of his 
youth. Passing over the old Hoosick road, and leaving the settlement 
of Hoosick behind him, he went about ten miles further up the Hoosick 
Valley and with rare judgment he picked out a farm lot which, by 
reason of a bend in the river, embraced almost all of the lowland in 
that part of the valley. The next matter of record that presents itself 
in the history of Abraham Vosburgh is an affidavit signed by him and 
used in connection with the boundary dispute between New York and 
Vermont. In this document, sworn to on November 14, 1760, he 
states that he settled at Hoosick in 1738, and that for many years he 
had paid rent to Johannis Van Veghten. He signed the affida\'it with 
his own distinctive mark, which is almost identical with the mark of 
his uncle, Jacob Abrahamsen Vosburgh, except that the letter "I" 
is omitted. The Vosburgh farm was Lot No. 10, on the Hoosick 
Patent, now situated within the town of Pownal, Vermont, as the 
boundary was finally fixed. The Hoosick River runs north here, and 
this lot lies upon the east side, including in a bend of the river prac- 
tically all of the rich level bottom land. Originally the lot had a 
frontage on the river of one-half a mile and it extended back up into 
the foot hills of the Green Mountains for two miles. There on the 
river bank, far enough back on the rising ground to be safe from the 
spring freshets, Abraham Vosburgh built his homestead. The trail 
from Hoosick crossed the river at this point, and an old wooden bridge 
still marks the spot. A short distance north of the road and between 
the present house and the river, a part of the foundatioris of the old 

130 The New Netherland Register 

homestead were plainly discernible in the year iSgg, though covered 
by turf. The foundations were small in area, and the building itself 
probably covered more ground than is now occupied by the remains 
of the cellar. The old Dutch barn with its fourteen-inch square hewn 
oak timbers, which was erected shortly after the homestead, was still 
standing in 191 2, and will probably remain so for many years to come 
unless destroyed by fire. 

A map of the land surveyed by Jno. R. Bleeker in May, 1754, 
shows the Hoosick Patent divided into farm lots. Lot No. 10 is 
entered on this map with the name ''Roberts" as the tenant. This 
was Ebenezer Roberts, the husband of Geertie Vosburgh, a daughter 
of Abraham. This is the only unexplained point in the records, as they 
unfold the story of the life of Abraham Vosburgh. Petrus, the 
youngest surviving son and the future heir to the farm was already 
married in the year 1754, and it is presumed that he was working on 
the farm. In addition to this, it is clearly shown by his affidavit that 
Abraham Vosburgh was living there also. Abraham Vosburgh died 
within a year or two after signing the affidavit above referred to. He 
was about sixty-eight years of age at the time of his death, which must 
have occurred within a year or two from the time that his father died 
in Kinderhook. 

[Mr. Royden W. Vosburgh who for many years has been engaged 
in compiling a history and genealogy of the Vosburgh family in 
America, has kindly furnished the New Netherland Register with the 
above biographies. They show the thoroughgoing character of his 
searches and what may be expected of him as the genealogist of the 
Vosburgh family. This will be Mr. Vosburgh 's only contribution on 
his family to this publication, as he intends — at some future date — to 
publish the result of his investigations in a separate volume.] 

Cosmopolitan New Amsterdam 

In his Novum Belgium, dated 1646, the French Missionary, 
the Rev. Isaac Jogues said: "On the island of Manhate, and in its 
environs, there may well be four or five hundred men of different 
sects and nations; the Director General told me that there were men 
of eighteen different languages." 

What nationalities were included in these eighteen? 

The Netherland tongue, being the language of the founders, 
also owing to the constant commercial intercourse between the colony 

The New Netherland Register 131 

and the mother country naturally i)redominated. As the relations 
between Amsterdam, the German Hansatowns on the Baltic and 
other parts of Germany were of the closest, it is only natural that a 
strong German element should very early have made the German 
language familiar in the streets of New Amsterdam. The Norwegians 
and the Swedes formed one of the most desirable elements in the colony 
because they — better than any other settlers — knew how to thin the 
forests, and prepare the land for agriculture. The Danes, also, whose 
language is so closely akin to that of the Norwegians, very early be- 
came prominent in the growing settlement. Chief among them was 
Jonas Bronck, agriculturist and scholar, one of the earliest settlers 
in the present county of the Bronx, named from him, and at whose 
house the peace treaty of 1643, between some Indian tribes and the 
Dutch was negotiated and signed. The Frisians, though at the time 
no longer a separate nation, yet speaking a distinct Germanic tongue, 
were also well represented among New Amsterdam's many tongued 

The Walloons and the French, though less numerous at the time 
of Father Jogues' visit in 1646 than about 20 years earlier, yet formed 
a considerable portion of the population. There were also some 
Itahans here, the best known among whom was Petro Alberto, the 
ancestor of the Burtis and Alburtus families. Portuguese not only 
served among the West India Company's forces but some Portuguese 
had also settled on Manhattan. It is also known that a few Spaniards 
had settled at New Amsterdam. Besides, nearly all of the Negroes 
at New Amsterdam spoke either Portuguese or Spanish. These two 
languages, therefore, were well represented at Manhattan. 

There were, likewise, Irish New Netherlanders living at New 
Amsterdam, though the chief among them, Thomas Lewis — carpenter, 
shipbuilder, trader and yachtowner — a trusted adherent of Director 
Stuyvesant, did not arrive until about a dozen years later. The 
tongue of Erin, therefore, may also have been heard at New 

The best-known Welshman at New Amsterdam was Charles 
Morgan, who, about ten years before, had entered the military service 
of the West India Company, and afterward settled on Long Island 
where he joined the "Anglo Saxon" contingent. There were also a 
few Scots here and it is not improbable that the language of the 
Scottish Highlands was occasionally heard alongside of Irish and 

The English being a seafaring nation, and having settlements 
adjacent to New Netherland, naturally were strong!}- represented 

132 The New Netherland Register 

at New Amsterdam. However, the English Secretary to the Director 
General and Council of New Netherland was employed, not for their 
special benefit only, but also to facilitate the official intercourse with 
the English colonies, and incidentally to assist New Amsterdam's trade. 

There were settlers here even from Bohemia and Moravia, so 
that the Czech tongue, doubtless, was also heard at New Amsterdam. 
Augustin Herman, a Bohemian, was one of New Netherland's promi- 
nent burghers, an enterprising merchant, a scholar, an agitator, a 
noted popular tribune, the founder of the Manor of Bohemia, in 
Maryland, after the English usurpation of New Netherland. 

Poland, the granary of Europe, at the time, was much visited by 
sailors and merchants from Holland, and, naturally, Poles drifted to 
Amsterdam, and the Dutch colonies. There were Poles among the 
garrison in the Fort, and there were Polish settlers among the civilian 
population. Polish, therefore, certainly was one of the eighteen 
tongues referred to by Director Kieft in his conversation with Father 

There were, very early, settlers here from the present Baltic 
provinces of Russia and some of the languages spoken there, doubtless, 
had been introduced at New Amsterdam. It is not at all improbable 
that even Turkish or some tongue native to Northern Africa at the 
time had found its way to Manhattan, as there were people from that 
section of the world who had taken up their abode at Manhattan. 

As far as known, no Hebrew was yet spoken at New Amsterdam 
in 1646, as the Jews did not immigrate in any considerable number 
till 1654 and later. Yet, it is not at all improbable that Jewish mer- 
chants visited and revisited here long before the first recorded Jewish 
immigration, and that the Hebrew tongue was more familiar in New 
Amsterdam's streets than is thought. Amsterdam's Jewish popula- 
tion was too numerous and too enterprising not to avail itself of the 
opportunity for profitable business, offered by the Dutch colonies 
in North America. 

In his enumeration of the eighteen languages represented at 
Manhate, Kieft could not possibly have omitted the Indians. Though 
they spoke many dialects, to the Europeans their speech represented 
only one tongue, that spoken by the Indians. Kieft, therefore, con- 
sidered their various modes of speech as one language. Had he con- 
sidered the various Indian dialects as so many different tongues, 
thirty instead of eighteen would have been nearer correct in his state- 
ment concerning the "men of different languages" residing about 
New Amsterdam. 

The New Netherland Register 133 

Prefixes to Dutch Names 

Van is not the only prefix to Dutch family names. It is the most 
general prefix and is so interwoven with the use of cognomens that 
it has come to mean "family name." For instance in Netherland, 
a man meeting one whose family name is unknown to him will ask, 
''What is your van?" The answer may be, "My \'an is De Wet." 
And upon asking his interlocutor "What is your \'an?" the (Aher 
may reply, "My van is Ter Penninck," showing that people in this 
instance have entirely lost sight of the original .significance of the 
"Van," simply considering it as meaning "family name." 

Sometimes, especially during the time of the republic, the prefix 
a precedes a name. This is simply a substitute for Van, Van de, 
Van den. Van der, Te, Ten or Ter and was adopted by classical 
scholars and members of the learned professions when it was still 
customary with most of them to Latinize their name. A prolific 
writer and theologian of the 17th century — the Rev. Van Brakel — 
to cite only one instance among many, not desiring to Latinize his 
name, usually styled himself a Brakel instead of Brakelius as he might 
have done. Thus a is not a Dutch prefix, though often preceding 
names of Dutch scholars and professional men. 

Besides "Van" (meaning from), the most common Dutch pre- 
fixes are Van de, Van den. Van der — all meaning from the or of the. 
Less frequent is the use of Van't — an abbreviation of Van het — also 
meaning from the or of the: Van't Hoff signifying from the court. 

The Dutch prefix Ver is a contraction of Van de, Van den or 
Van der. For instance, Verree was originally Van de Ree (from the 
roadstead) and was Anglicized into Ferree or Ferry. Verryn is a 
contraction of Van de Ryn, a man from the bank of the River Rhine. 
Verheul or Verhuel means from the small stone bridge. X'erplanck 
means from the small board bridge. Verbraeck means from the 
uncultivated or barren land. Vermeule means from the mill. Verhey 
means from the moors. Verschuur (twisted into Forshee, etc.) means 
from the barn. Verlaan means from the lane, Verburch, X'erburgh 
means from the castle. The contraction Ver, though at present fre- 
quently met with throughout the whole of Netherland, appears to 
have been of Flemish or South Netherland origin. 

De and Den — meaning The — are other quite common prefixes 
to Netherland names. For instance, De Roode means The Red, 
De Ronde means The Round, De Boer means The Farmer, De Jong, 
De Jonge, means The Young, Den Een means The One, Den ]\lan 

134 The New Netherland Register 

means The Man, Den Breeder means The Brother, De Lange means 
The Tall, etc. 

As Ver was a distinctively South Netherland prefix, so Te, Ten 
and Ter are distinctively East Netherland prefixes, chiefly originat- 
ing, and still most numerously met with, in the provinces of Gelder- 
land, Overysel, Drenthe and portions of Utrecht. The use of Ter as 
a prefix to a name has such a hold upon the mind of the people there 
that a person whose name begins with Ver will be addressed as Ter. 
For instance, Verplanck will there become Terplanck, Verhey be 
addressed as Terhey, Verhaar becomes Terhaar. 

Te, Ten and Ter mean near or near the. Thus Te Hennepe 
means near Hennepe. Te Loo means near Loo. Te Veldhuis means 
near the house on the moor or field. Te Boveldt means near the 
arable land. Te Winkel means near the village of Winkel or near 
the store. Ten Eyck means near the oak. Ten Hout means near the 
wood. Ten Broeck means near the marshy land. Ten Hulsen means 
near the holly. Ten Brink means near the grassy slope. 

Ter Penning or Ter Penninck means near the castle or manor of 
Penninck. Ter Borch, Borgh means near the castle. Ter Bosch 
means near the wood. Ter Beeck means near the brook. Ter Willigen 
(Terwilliger) means near the willows. Ter Hune means near the 
hunebeds, those immense boulders or masses of rocks still met with 
in the provinces of Drenthe and Gelderland. They are probably 
monuments of prehistoric races long ago inhabiting these parts of 
the country, and are thought to mark the graves of noted chieftains. 
But how did those immense hunebeds get there? Unfortunately 
most of these piles have disappeared, the utilitarian spirit of the near 
residents (those living Ter Hune or near the Hunebeds), having 
induced them to demolish these prehistoric monuments, using the 
debris for building stone and other prosaic purposes. 

There are also names with the prefix In den and In't, both mean- 
ing in the. For instance, In den Bosch means in the wood and In't 
Veld means in the field, "Veld" in this connection often signifying 
"moor," so that Verhey and In't Veld may practically mean the 

Besides these there are the still rarer prefixes, tot, toe and thoe, 
all meaning to or at. They are mostly used by members or descend- 
ants of ancient noble houses, which have been divided into several 
branches, for the purpose of designating the branch to which they 
belong. For instance, the Baron Van Voorst tot Voorst who, a little 
over a year ago, was one of the winners at the New York horse show, 
indicates by this "tot Voorst" that he belongs to the branch of the 

The New Netherland Register 135 

house which stuck closest to the original family seat. Cornelis \'an 
Vorst, a picturesque character in early New Netherland history, and 
one of the earliest settlers at what is now Jersey City, probably was 
of this family. 

Baron Van der Capellen thoe or toe Ryssel, who is most intimately 
connected — through his agent Captain Adriaen Post — with Staten 
Island's history between 1650 and 1660, used this "thoe" or "toe" 
Ryssel, to indicate that he belonged to the Ryssel branch of the Van 
der Capellen family, Ryssel being a manor house, two miles south of 
Gorssel in the province of Gelderland. 

Another not uncommon prefix is Op, meaning on. For in- 
stance Op Dyck or Op ten Dyck means on the dyke. Op de Graft 
or Op te Graft means on the bank of the canal or the moat, etc. 

Een Edele Instelling 

(A Noble Institution) 

The Netherland Chamber of Commerce of New York City which 
aims at improving and increasing the commercial relations between 
the United States and Netherland, has a noble counterpart in the 
Netherland Benevolent Society, honored with the patronage of Her 
Majesty, Queen Wilhelmina. At the beginning of this year, the 
Society moved into its new home at 209 West 22nd Street, New York 
City, thus greatly augmenting its possibilities for doing good, while 
at the same time much increasing its financial burdens. 

Only recently the Society suffered a great loss through the death 
of one of its founders and most generous benefactors, the Hon. John R. 
Planten, Dutch Consul General at New York. 

As its name implies, the Netherland Benevolent Society has been 
founded for the purpose of assisting Dutchmen happening to be in 
New York, and in need of temporary help. 

There are some thousands of native born Dutchmen li\'ing in 
Greater New York, Jersey City and Hoboken. But their number is 
so small in comparison with that of most other nationalities, repre- 
sented in the "Cosmopolitan New Amsterdam" of this year of grace 
1913, and they are so widely scattered all over the various boroughs 
and neighboring towns, that it is difficult, if not impossible, to locate 
them. This is especially the case with stranger Dutch in the cit}', who 
nearly always are additionally handicapped by being unacquainted 

136 The New Netherland Register 

with English, It is in order to aid similar persons, often numbering 
entire families, that the Netherland Benevolent Society has been 
organized. It was sometimes found that recent Dutch immigrants and 
their families, as well as earlier Dutch arrivals in America who had 
come from other American towns to New York to look for work, 
became stranded here, but could be put afloat by a little timely and 
judicious assistance. This usually fell to the share of a few individuals, 
which not only rendered it a heavy drain upon them, but in the nature 
of the case was nearly always inadequate and often futile. It was 
found, in order to accomplish results, that organization would be 
necessary. Thus, while lifting the burden from the shoulders of the 
few, this organization (incorporated March lo, 1908) during its yet 
brief career, has been most active in doing good, and has relieved many 
worthy cases. As was stated before, the Society has recently suc- 
ceeded in leasing a home at 209 West 2 2d Street, where the efficient 
executive secretary, Mr, James Penninck, now has his office and with 
the superintendent and the matron, Mr. and Mrs. De Jong, attends 
to the needs of those temporarily under the Society's care. Upon 
request Secretary Penninck, under date of March 17, 191 3, submitted 
the following brief statement: 

''Since it entered the list of charitable institutions, the Society 
has given substantial aid or valuable advice to 660 persons of Dutch 
nationality or born of Dutch parents, regardless of creed or color. 

"Shelter and food, and, if need be, transportation are furnished; 
while the Home provides baths and night clothes. If in need of wear- 
ing apparel, the applicant is fitted out from the stock on hand, mostly 
furnished by the members of the Society and kept in readiness in the 
Home's storeroom. 

"Addresses of reliable employment agencies are given to those 
looking for work and the Secretarial Office is untiring in its efforts to 
secure employment for applicants, according to their various qualifi- 
cations and general fitness, 

"Persons totally unable to earn a living in this country are given 
free passage to the Netherlands or her colonies, 

"In general, the Society aims at uplifting the Dutch element in 
this country, and promoting its welfare."